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杜甫
杜甫
杜甫
杜甫
杜甫
杜甫
杜甫
杜甫
杜甫
杜甫[杜甫与中唐诗歌]
唐玄宗天宝十四载（755）安史之乱爆发，使唐王朝迅速地由繁盛转入衰乱，唐诗
也随之发生了重大变化。从盛唐诗歌的情况来看，尽管那个时代的一些文人出于各种原
因对前代诗歌进行了激烈的抨击，但从魏晋南北朝到盛唐，诗歌发展的延续性在一些基
本特征上是很显著的：儒家传统中以诗为政治与教化之工具的观念在实际创作中很少被
认真看待，诗始终是一种个人性的艺术创造，是表现诗人生活情怀与人生理想的审美形
式。而盛唐诗人的激荡的热情与浪漫的幻想，更使诗成为华彩的乐章。而到了中唐，首
先可以看到诗歌与时事政治的关联加强了。这本身当然不是什么缺点，杜甫许多这一类
型的诗作都具有感人的力量，对于唐诗的内容是很重要的开拓。但同时需要注意到，这
一种关联的加强常常伴随着诗人个体意识的削弱和对于国家的依附意识的加强，伴随着
儒家文学观念的加强。这在杜甫已不能免，在元结、白居易等诗人那里则更突出。而另
一方面，作为盛唐诗歌主要特征的激情的表现，在中唐诗歌中也受到了抑制。杜甫诗的
“沉郁”，实际就是激情受到理性的抑制的结果。在其他诗人那里，激情或转化为怪诞，
或转化为哀苦，乃至退化为闲适、琐细。
毫无疑问，唐代文化富于创造性的生命力并不是在中唐就消失了。甚至，中唐诗歌
艺术风格的多样化、各种不同风格之间的差异，比盛唐诗给人的印象要更为强烈；中唐
诗人对语言表现形式的关注，也比盛唐诗人更为深入。从杜甫的“语不惊人死不休”，
到李贺的呕心沥血觅诗句，贾岛的苦吟，诗人们付出了前所未有的努力。唐诗总体上的
繁荣多彩，与他们（也包括晚唐诗人）的努力是分不开的。但诗歌中豪迈自信、自由飞
扬的精神，在这时确实是开始减退了。
还有一点需要说明：自明代高棅明确把唐诗划分成初、盛、中、晚四阶段以来，人
们习惯把杜甫归为盛唐诗人，这是出于要同时充分肯定盛唐诗和杜诗的典范价值的考虑。
但从唐代社会和唐诗的变化的实际情况来看，这样划分并不合理，所以我们不采此说。
杜甫与李白一向被视为唐诗世界中两座并峙的高峰，同时，他们也构成了唐诗的分
野。尽管李、杜的年龄只相差十一岁，他们也都经历过唐王朝的全盛时代和由盛入衰的
安史之乱，但他们的创作，却存在某些根本的不同。李白诗歌的主导风格，形成于大唐
帝国最为辉煌的年代，以抒发个人情怀为中心，咏唱对自由人生的渴望与追求，成为其
显著特征。
而杜甫诗歌的主导风格，却是在安史之乱的前夕开始形成，而滋长于其后数十年天
下瓦解、遍地哀号的苦难之中。因此，流响于刚刚过去的年代中的充满自信、富于浪漫
色彩的诗歌情调，到了杜甫这里便戛然而止。在飘零的旅途上，杜甫背负着对于国家和
民族命运的沉重责任感，凝视着流血流泪的大地，忠实地描绘出时代的面貌和自己内心
的悲哀。这种深入社会、关切政治和民生疾苦、重视写实的创作倾向，和由此带来的语
言表现形式方面的一系列变化，不仅标志了唐诗内容与风格的重大转折，也对中唐以后
直至宋代诗歌的发展，造成了深刻的影响。
但是，盛唐诗歌的一些重要特征，在杜甫的诗歌创作中仍然有所体现。激情虽然在
他的诗中受到抑制，却仍然可以感受到它的存在；雄伟壮大之美，也仍然是诗人的爱好。
他的那些关于时事政治的诗篇，大抵是真诚情感的流露和结晶，而并非以预定的社会功
利目的为首要的出发点。从这些方面来说，杜甫与盛唐文化终究有很深的关联。
一、杜甫的生平和个性
杜甫（712—770）字子美，生于巩县（今属河南）。他出身于一个具有悠久传统的
官僚世家，自十三世祖杜预以下，几乎每一代都有人出任不同的官职，所以杜甫自豪地
称为“奉儒守官，未坠素业”（《进雕赋表》）。其母系为唐代士族中门第最高的清河
崔氏。只是杜甫的父亲杜闲只做到奉天县令，这个家庭已呈衰落之象。
家庭给予杜甫正统的儒家文化教养，和务必要在仕途上有所作为的雄心。所以，终
其一生，高蹈出世的念头很少占据他的头脑。另外，唐代是重视诗歌的时代，而杜甫的
祖父杜审言正是武后朝中最著名的诗人，这更加深了杜甫对诗歌的兴趣。他曾很骄傲地
对儿子说：“诗是吾家事。”（《宗武生日》）追求仕途事业和不朽的诗名，共同构成
了杜甫的人生轨道。
杜甫早慧，据称七岁便能写诗，十四、五岁时便“出游翰墨场”（《壮游》），与
文士们交游酬唱。二十岁以后十余年中，杜甫过着漫游的生活。这既是为了增长阅历，
也是为了交结名流、张扬声名，为日后的仕进作准备。他先到了吴越一带，江南景物和
文化，给他留下很深刻的印象。二十四岁时，杜甫赴洛阳考试，未能及第，又浪游齐、
赵，度过一段狂放的生活，他后来回忆说：“放荡齐赵间，裘马颇清狂。”
（《壮游》）三十三岁时，杜甫与李白相识于洛阳，又在梁、宋一带为豪侠之游。
李白当时已是名震天下的诗人，他的特殊风采和出众才华，深深吸引了杜甫。
杜甫称做官为他们家族的“素业”——世代相袭的职业，他的各种文化教养都是与
这一点相联系的。三十五岁左右，杜甫来到长安求取官职。开始，他满怀信心，“自谓
颇挺出，立登要路津”，并相信自己能“致君尧舜上，再使风俗淳”（《奉赠韦左丞丈
二十二韵》），但滞留十年却一再碰壁。这可能是因为他的家庭背景已不够有力，而把
持权柄的李林甫等人，又对引进人才采取阻碍的态度。大约在杜甫到长安不久，父亲就
去世了，他的生活因此变得艰困起来，为了生存，为了求官做，杜甫不得不奔走于权贵
门下，作诗投赠，希望得到他们的引荐。此外，他还多次向玄宗皇帝献赋，如《雕赋》、
《三大礼赋》等，指望玄宗对他的文才投以青睐。种种努力的结果，是到天宝十四载才
获得右卫率府胄曹参军这样一个卑微的官职，而这已是安史之乱的前夕。
天宝后期，唐代社会虽维持着表面的繁盛，却已处处埋伏危机。这主要表现在三个
方面：一是玄宗和他的边将们一意开拓疆土、穷兵黩武的政策，导致国力空虚、民生艰
难，许多人无辜死亡；二是玄宗沉湎于享乐，李林甫、杨国忠等人擅权专政，阻塞言路，
政治变得昏暗；三是为玄宗所宠信的安禄山身兼三节度使，手握雄兵，威胁到国家的统
一。处在逆境中的人容易看到现实中的弊病，当一场大崩溃即将到来时，杜甫透过个人
的不幸看到了国家的不幸，人民的不幸。天宝十一载（752），杜甫写下了他的名篇
《兵车行》，以严肃的态度，真实地记录下人民被驱往战场送死的悲惨图景。这首诗标
志了杜甫诗歌的转变。此后，他又写出《前出塞》九首，继续对灾难性的开边战争提出
质疑；写出《丽人行》，揭露玄宗宠妃杨玉环的亲族穷奢极欲的生活。而长诗《自京赴
奉先咏怀五百字》，更把最高统治集团醉生梦死的情状与民间饥寒交迫的困境加以尖锐
的对照，以“朱门酒肉臭，路有冻死骨”这样震撼人心的诗句概括了社会的黑暗和不合
理。
安史之乱爆发后，杜甫一度被困于叛军占据下的长安。后来只身逃出，投奔驻在凤
翔的唐肃宗，被任为左拾遗。这是一个从八品的谏官，地位虽不高，却是杜甫仅有的一
次在中央任职的经历。但不久就因上疏申救房琯的罢相而触怒肃宗，后于乾元初被贬斥
为华州司功参军。由于战乱和饥荒，杜甫无法养活他的家庭，加之对仕途的失望，他在
乾元二年（759）丢弃了官职，进入在当时尚为安定富足的蜀中。从安史之乱爆发到杜
甫入川的四年，整个国家处在剧烈的震荡中，王朝倾危，人民大量死亡，杜甫本人的生
活也充满危险和艰难。而他的诗歌创作，因了血与泪的滋养，达到了颠峰状态。
《春望》、《月夜》、《悲陈陶》、《悲青坂》、《北征》、《羌村》以及“三
吏”、“三别”等大量传世名篇，从诗人浸满忧患的笔下不绝涌出。
到成都不久，杜甫依靠朋友的帮助，在城西建了一座草堂。后来，杜甫的故交严武
出任剑南东西川节度使，与杜甫过从甚密，对他的生活也多有照顾。当严武第二次镇蜀
时，并表荐杜甫担任了节度参谋、检校工部员外郎（后世因此称他为“杜工部”）。杜
甫是为了避乱谋食来到蜀中的。最初二年多时间，他闲居草堂，生活确实比较安逸，当
时所写吟咏草堂周围自然景物的诗篇，也显出一种清新闲淡的韵致。但这种情形并没有
维持很久。从全国来说，安史之乱虽于公元七六三年宣告结束，但唐王朝的瓦解之势并
未因此而停止。外患方面，有吐蕃的严重侵扰，甚至攻入长安，迫使代宗仓皇出逃；内
乱方面，则出现普遍的军阀割据或半割据状态，而政治的腐败、官吏的横暴，也是有增
无减。从蜀中地区来说，它既是吐蕃进攻的一个重点，也是容易发生军阀割据的地方。
就在严武二次镇蜀的间隔时期，就曾发生一场严重的军事叛乱，杜甫因此一度逃离
成都，携家流浪。一场暴烈的动荡转化为持续的衰乱，这使得杜甫对国家的前途更觉失
望，他后期的诗歌，情绪甚至比安史之乱中更显得沉重。
永泰元年（765），严武去世，蜀中重又发生大乱，杜甫在成都的生活也失去凭依，
他又带着全家老小，登上一条小船，过起流浪逃难的生活（或谓在严武去世前不久，杜
甫因所任工部员外郎之职由虚衔转为实授，而离蜀赴长安）。最初的目的大概是要沿长
江东下出川，路途中却因疾病和战乱等缘故，滞留了很久。先是在云安居住了一段时间，
后又在夔州居住了近两年。到五十七岁那年，终于乘舟出三峡，却仍是在湖北、湖南一
带的水路上漂泊，最后于大历五年、五十九岁上，在耒阳附近客死旅舟。杜甫艰难漂泊
的一生，在这里得到一个凄凉的结束。
“漂泊西南天地间”（《咏怀古迹》五首之一）的十一年，也是杜甫诗歌创作的重
要时期，留下的作品有一千余首，占其《杜工部集》存诗总数的三分之二以上。《闻官
军收河南河北》、《又呈吴郎》、《秋兴》、《诸将》、《咏怀古迹》、《旅夜书怀》
等，都是这一时期的优秀代表作。尤其以旅居夔州的二年为中心，杜甫的律诗创作达到
炉火纯青的境界，可以说是杜诗的第二次高峰。
在杜甫年轻时代，他的性格中就包涵着两种不同的因素。
一方面，他自幼接受儒家正统文化的熏陶，把贵德行、重名节、循礼法视为基本的
人生准则；而同时，他也受到时代风气的影响，有着颇为张狂、富于浪漫气质的一面。
他的《壮游》诗回忆往事，自称“性豪业嗜酒，嫉恶怀刚肠”，“饮酣视八极，俗物都
茫茫”；在文学上，连屈原、贾谊、曹植、刘桢那样的人物都不放在眼里，可见他是多
么骄傲。在与李白、高适等人交游时，他们纵酒放歌、慷慨怀古、驰逐射猎，也很有几
分任侠之气。后来经过重重苦难的磨砺，杜甫个性中放狂的一面收敛了许多，传统的儒
家人生观对于他的个性和行为习惯起了更重要的作用，但他也并不是完全变成了另外一
个人，变成了纯粹的恂恂君子。《旧唐书》本传说他“性褊躁”、“无拘检”、“傲
诞”，不会是毫无根据的。其实，如果没有几分“傲诞”、“褊躁”，恐怕很难成为一
个诗人。这方面一个突出的表现，是杜甫始终对屈辱的生活处境十分敏感。滞留长安及
漂泊西南时期，杜甫常常不得不寄人篱下，仰仗权势者的济助。他在诗中写道：“朝扣
富儿门，暮随肥马尘，残杯与冷炙，到处潜悲辛！”（《奉赠韦左丞丈二十二韵》）
“苦摇求食尾，常曝报恩腮。……休为贫士叹，任受众人咍。”
（《秋日荆南述怀三十韵》）一个身负“太平宰相”之志的人，却成为一名失业者、
乞食者，怎么能不深感痛苦呢？这些诗句同李白的“安能摧眉折腰事权贵，使我不得开
心颜”的表白，看起来绝不相同，实质上却有相通之处。杜诗中那种对于国家和社会的
关切，固然是出于真情，但也未始没有在自觉得碌碌而生、于世无益的情况下，在精神
上自我提升、自我拯救的意味。
对人生信仰、政治理想的执着，也是杜甫个性的一大特征。后代有人说杜甫是“村
夫子”，杜甫诗中也自称“乾坤一腐儒”（《江汉》），都是就这一种执着态度而言。
所谓“致君尧舜”，所谓“忧民爱物”，这些儒家的政治观念，在很多人只是一种空谈、
一种标榜，杜甫却是真心地相信和实行它。而且，儒者本有“穷则独善其身，达则兼济
天下”的进退之路，杜甫却不愿如此，他是不管穷达，都要以天下为念。甚至，愈是社
会崩溃昏乱，他愈是要宣扬自己的政治理想，相信尽管“万国尽穷途”（《舟出江陵南
浦奉寄郑少尹审》），但靠了一点一滴的人力，终究能够改变现实。他的这种执着态度，
在当年实际的政治生活中未必有什么用处，对于诗人来说却是重要的。因为唯其如此，
杜甫才能始终保持正视现实的热情和勇气。
杜甫是一个感情丰富的人。他和李白交往的时间并不长，但当李白遭遇危险时，他
却魂牵梦绕，再三写下《梦李白》、《天末怀李白》等感人至深的诗篇。他在夔州离开
自己住过的一所房屋时，也不能忘记以前常来自己院中打枣为食的邻家老妇人，特意写
了《又呈吴郎》诗，嘱托新主人对她应多加体谅。当然，更多的诗篇抒发了他对战乱中
的国家和贫苦大众的强烈的忧念。只是，杜甫的情感，不像李白那样奔泄而出，而是受
到理智的节制。这一性格特点，直接影响杜甫的诗歌创作，就是：杜甫更喜欢、更擅长
在严格的形式中，以精心选择、反复锤炼的语言来抒发情感。
二、乱离时世的悲歌
杜甫早期作品留存数量很少。这些诗篇和时代的风气相一致，充满自信、带有英雄
主义的倾向，而同杜甫自己后来的作品有明显区别。如《房兵曹胡马》以“所向无空
阔”、“万里可横行”写马，《画鹰》以“何当击凡鸟，毛血洒平芜”写鹰，都有不可
一世之概。《望岳》诗起首“岱宗夫如何，齐鲁青未了”，气势宏大；结句“会当凌绝
顶，一览众山小”，富于展望，令人感觉到诗人雄心勃勃的精神状态。随着杜甫渐渐深
入到苦难的现实，他的诗也变得沉重起来。但早期诗歌那种气势壮阔的特点，仍然保留
着。
《兵车行》的创作标志着杜甫诗歌的转变。由此形成并基本上贯穿了杜甫此后一生
诗歌创作在思想内容方面的主要特征有四点：严肃的写实精神；在忠诚于唐王朝和君主
的前提下，对统治集团中的腐朽现象给予严厉的批判；对民生疾苦的深厚同情；对国家
与民族命运的深沉忧念。
《兵车行》的开头是一幅悲惨的图景：“车辚辚，马萧萧，行人弓箭各在腰。耶娘
妻子走相送，尘埃不见咸阳桥。牵衣顿足拦道哭，哭声直上干云霄。”接着把批判的锋
芒指向好大喜功的唐玄宗：“边庭流血成海水，武皇开边意未已！”诗中继续写到战争
导致国内生产力的衰减：“君不闻汉家山东二百州，千村万落生荆杞，纵有健妇把锄犁，
禾生陇亩无东西。”
最后借想象为那些无辜的死者发出悲愤的哭喊：“君不见青海头，古来白骨无人收。
新鬼烦冤旧鬼哭，天阴雨湿声啾啾！”
在唐诗中，如此严肃地正视现实、具有深刻的批判精神的作品，以前还没有过。而
在稍后写成的《自京赴奉先咏怀五百字》中，杜诗的批判精神又有进一步的发展。诗中
既写到自己忠于王朝和君主的不可改移的天性——“葵藿倾太阳，物性固难夺”，同时
又对正在骊山行宫中肆意挥霍享乐的玄宗君臣提出责难：“彤庭所分帛，本自寒女出，
鞭挞其夫家，聚敛贡城阙。”在这里，杜甫的笔已经触及统治者与人民之间剥削与被剥
削的根本性对立。
在杜甫的思想中，合理的政治应当表现为统治者与被统治者之间的和谐：君主应当
爱护人民，使之安居乐业，而人民则理所当然地应该忠诚和拥戴君主。然而事实上这仅
是一种空想。他作为一个诚实的诗人严肃地面对现实时，不能不为此感到困苦。杜诗的
名篇“三吏”、“三别”、就是很好的例子。这些诗作于乾元二年杜甫从华州去洛阳时。
此前不久，唐军在邺城围攻安史叛军遭到大败，形势危急，唐军为了守住洛阳、潼关一
线，在民间拼命抓丁，连未成年人和老人都不能幸免。杜甫以叙事诗的形式描述了他亲
眼所见的悲惨情形。
从这些典型的忧国忧民之作中，我们可以更清楚地理解杜甫。
首先需要指出：“忧国”和“忧民”并不是很容易统一起来的事情。因为杜甫所忧
念的“国”同李氏王朝的“皇纲”之存亡密不可分，这“国”首先是包括杜甫在内的统
治阶级的国，统治阶级的成员依其地位高下从这个“国”中得到不等的利益；至于“民”
尤其是贫困的劳动人民，即使他们的利益同这个王朝的存亡有一定关联，他们也主要是
牺牲者而不是得利者。而安史之乱就其根本的性质来说，是一场企图改朝换代的军事叛
乱。虽然安史集团的头领以汉化的胡族人为主，但民族矛盾的一面也不是主要的。可以
说，普通民众是被争夺最高权力的两大集团推进了血火之中。那么杜甫又怎样来看待这
个问题呢？先看他的《新安吏》：
客行新安道，喧呼闻点兵。借问新安吏：“县小更无丁？”“府帖昨夜下，次选中
男行。”“中男绝短小，何以守王城？”肥男有母送，瘦男独伶俜。白水暮东流，青山
犹哭声。“莫自使泪枯，收汝泪纵横，眼枯即见骨，天地终无情！”
读到这里，我们感受到诗人对受难的人民的极其真实深切的悲悯之情。当他说出
“眼枯即见骨，天地终无情”这样悲愤的话时，他指出了一个惨痛的事实：民众在这个
世界上走到了绝路。沿着这个方向追问下去，会出现严重的问题：牺牲到最后的人民有
无义务继续为大唐王朝作出牺牲？而诗人就在这危险关头收刹了他的笔，转到另外的方
向：
我军取相州，日夕望其平，岂意贼难料，归军星散营。就粮近故垒，练卒依旧京，
掘壕不到水，牧马役亦轻。况乃王师顺，抚养甚分明，送行勿泣血，仆射如父兄。
所谓官军中劳役轻、官长爱惜士兵，并且似乎没有什么危险，这恐怕是杜甫自己都
不能相信的。但他只能这样幻想，并以此安慰从军少年和他们的家人。而归根结蒂，他
还是要求人民继续为唐王朝作出牺牲。还有《新婚别》，写一位结婚才一天的新娘送丈
夫从军，诗中既写出她的悲哀：“君今往死地，沈痛迫中肠”，又以较多的笔墨描绘了
这位女子“深明大义”的形象。她要丈夫“勿为新婚念，努力事戎行”，又说自己不能
跟随而去，因为“妇女在军中，兵气恐不扬。”我们不能说杜甫笔下的新娘不是真实的，
但可以想象一定也有不愿自己的亲人走向“死地”的妇女。而之所以选择这一位新娘作
为主人公，乃是从国家利益考虑。包括《垂老别》中那位“子孙征亡尽”而自己又被征
去当兵的老人，他的遭遇可以说凄惨至极，诗人对他也确实充满同情，但在篇末，他还
是让老人说出“何乡为乐土，安敢尚盘桓”这样偏向豪壮的调子。
总之，杜甫“忧国”，却不能因此而泯灭良知，回避眼见的事实①；他“忧民”，
却又不能因此背弃唐王朝的根本利益，因此只能在尖锐的矛盾中寻找折衷的途径。而这
种折衷又是很勉强的，这使诗中表现出的情绪显得非常痛苦。我们没有理由苛责杜甫，
作为封建时代的诗人，能够如此严肃地正对现实，关怀人民，已是难能可贵。但在另一
方面也要看到，在以后长期的封建社会中，他获得“诗圣”这样一个带有浓厚道德意味
的尊称，也是有其深刻的原因的。
①如张巡、许远在安史之乱中为坚守睢阳，以人为食，死者数万，封建史家和正统
文人对他们吃人这一点仍给予赞扬，这和杜诗的态度完全是另一回事。
在杜甫晚年，由于形势越发不可收拾，自身的处境也日见窘迫，他对军阀、官僚的
横暴、腐败，态度变得更为尖锐严峻。虽然像《兵车行》和“三吏”、“三别”那样细
致描述的作品已经很少再有了，但以高度概括的诗歌语言所揭示的事实，却别有一种震
撼人心的力量。如《草堂》写蜀中军阀的叛乱和相互杀戮：“到今用钺地，风雨闻号呼。
鬼妾与鬼马，色悲克尔娱。”——被杀者似乎仍在号哭，而他们的妻妾和马，都面带愁
容供杀戮者取乐，这是一幅何等惨酷的图景！又如《三绝句》中写道官军的残暴：
殿前兵马虽骁雄，纵暴略与羌浑同。闻道杀人汉水上，妇女多在官军中。
时代的苦难被杜甫以焦虑和愤怒的心情一一记录在诗中。但是，他对现实有什么办
法呢？他只能苦苦地告诫那些做官的朋友：“众寮宜洁白，万役但平均。”（《送陵州
路使君赴任》）
他只能期盼皇帝的贤明：“谁能叩君门，下令减征赋？”（《宿花石戍》）他只能
浩叹：“安得务农息战斗，普天无吏横索钱！”
（《昼梦》）这些无奈的、固执的哀告，说出了受尽苦难的广大民众的心愿。
杜甫不只是一个时代的观察者、记录者，他本身的遭遇是同时代的苦难纠结在一起
的。人们从他的诗篇中，可以清楚地看到这位诚实的、富于正义感和同情心的诗人，如
何辗转挣扎于漂泊的旅途，历经饥寒困危，备尝忧患。对于生活在动乱时代的人们，这
一类诗格外具有感染力。如《月夜》，是杜甫在安史之乱爆发后困居长安时所作，抒发
了诗人对被战火阻隔的妻子的怀念：
今夜鄜州月，闺中只独看。遥怜小儿女，未解忆长安。香雾云鬟湿，清辉玉臂寒。
何时倚虚幌，双照泪痕干！
当他逃至凤翔后，有了机会去鄜州探家时，又写出他的名篇《羌村三首》，录第一
首：
峥嵘赤云西，日脚下平地。柴门鸟雀噪，归客千里至。妻孥怪我在，惊定还拭泪。
世乱遭飘荡，生还偶然遂。邻人满墙头，感叹亦歔欷。夜阑更秉烛，相对如梦寐。
诗中呈现一幅戏剧性的异常感人的场面。在那一场突发的大战乱中，家破人亡是寻
常事情，骨肉重聚反而似乎是不可思议的了。杜甫以准确生动的语言，把他们一家人重
新相见时，彼此如在梦中、亦惊亦悲亦喜的复杂心情清晰地呈现出来，可谓感人至深。
千百年来，它不知引发了多少人内心的共鸣！
正是因为个人的命运同时代的苦难纠结在一起，富于同情心和社会责任感的杜甫，
常常从自身的遭遇联想到更多的人、更普遍的社会问题。如在《自京赴奉先咏怀五百字》
中，他由幼子的因饥饿而夭折，想到自己的家庭毕竟还享有某些特权，那些地位低下的
“失业徒”、“远戍卒”，又将如何挣扎下去呢？在《茅屋为秋风所破歌》中，他由自
家茅屋被风雨吹破而致家人受寒冻，发出“安得广厦万千间，大庇天下寒士俱欢颜”的
祈愿。这种宽广的胸怀，是值得后人钦佩的。
杜甫的诗歌自古以来就有“诗史”的美誉。但应该指出：
诗歌并不会仅仅因为记载了某些史实就成为好诗。杜甫其实并非有意于史；他的那
些具有历史纪实性的诗篇，以及那些纪述自身经历而折射出历史面目的诗篇，乃是他的
生命与历史相随而饱经忧患的结晶，是浸透着他个人的辛酸血泪的。后代有些诗人虽然
也关注社会政治问题，但往往有意于史，所以他们的诗作难以像杜诗一样引起我们的感
动。
当然，杜甫的诗歌不尽是同当日的政治、社会问题相关联的，也下完全是忧愤之作。
他的作品题材其实很广泛，尤其描绘山水风光自然景物的诗篇，在他的集子中占了很大
比例。杜甫一生到过很多地方，吟咏美好的山川风光，为他多难的生活增添了许多乐趣。
像西南一带的景色，很多是因为有了杜甫的诗才开始为世人所知。有时，杜甫也会忘怀
一切地沉浸在自然界种种细微的变化中，写出诸如“细雨鱼儿出，微风燕子斜”（《水
槛遣心》）、“云掩初弦月，香传小树花”（《遣意》）那样一类情味悠闲的诗句。毕
竟，生活是多彩的，作为诗人，无论如何也不会失去对优美事物的兴趣。
三、杜甫诗歌的艺术成就
杜甫是一位富有创造性的诗人。比较而言，李白的诗天然涌发、飘逸而不可摹仿；
杜甫的诗则千锤百炼、苦心经营，可以为人典则。就这一点来说，杜诗对后人的影响比
李白要大。
杜甫的诗歌类型众多、风格也富于变化。其原因主要有二：一是杜甫的诗歌应用范
围极广。他不仅用诗歌来叙事抒情，还用来写人物传记和自传、书信、游记、政论、诗
文评，几乎无所不能。不过这也带来部分诗歌偏向于理性化的问题。
二是杜甫对前代诗歌的态度比较宽容，主张“转益多师”而不轻易否定。比如对南
朝诗，杜甫虽亦有所批评，但却不曾像李白那样大言“自从建安来，绮丽不足珍”
（《古风》之一）。他对庾信、何逊、阴铿等众多六朝作家，都能诚心地肯定和汲取其
长处，从而丰富了自身的创作。这一点元稹在为杜甫写的墓志铭中曾强调地指出。
杜甫善于运用各种诗歌体式。他的五、七言律诗和五、七言古体诗，在唐代都是第
一流的。七言绝句虽不如李白、王昌龄那样杰出，但也有自成一家的特色。只有五绝，
数量较少，成就亦稍为逊色。在杜甫的诗歌中，有几种类型特别具有独创性，也最能够
代表他对中国诗史的贡献，我们分别加以介绍。
一类是用五言古体形式写成的自叙性的诗篇，《自京赴奉先咏怀五百字》、《北征》
是其中最著名的代表作。这类诗大都篇幅较长，往往是融写景、叙事、抒情、议论于一
体，能够表达相当复杂的内容。如《北征》诗长达七百字，叙述作者自凤翔至鄜州探家
的一路经历和所见所思，沿途的景物、战乱的疮痕、对国家命运的忧虑、对个人遭遇的
感慨、与家人重聚的情形等多方面内容交织在一起，情绪起伏变化，充分表现了杜甫当
时复杂的心理。这类诗是从辞赋体变化而来的，带有明显的散文成份。宋代诗歌有“以
文为诗”的倾向，显然受到杜甫这一类作品的影响。但在杜甫诗中由于感情浓郁厚重，
仍有足够的力量支撑如此长篇，而不致失去诗的特性。
一类是以《兵车行》、《丽人行》、“三吏”、“三别”为代表的既有七言古体、
又有五言古体的叙事诗。这一类诗实际是古代乐府民歌的流变，但杜甫打破惯例，不用
乐府古题而“即事名篇”（根据所叙事实命名），这样就更能够反映现实，更富于生活
气息。这一创造，直接导引了中唐以元稹、白居易为首的“新乐府”运动。从叙事艺术
来看，这些诗善于描绘人物形象，尤其是运用对话来表现人物个性，在中国古代叙事诗
的发展过程中占有重要的地位。
再有一类是七律。杜甫在这方面的成就，对中国诗歌艺术作出了巨大贡献。在杜甫
以前，七律多用于宫廷应制唱和，这类诗内容贫乏，其语言亦平缓无力，而在这以外，
佳作也为数不多。到了杜甫，不但在声律上把七律推向成熟，更重要的是充分发展了这
一诗歌形式所蕴涵的可能性。七律同五律一样，是固定的诗型。但杜甫利用它比五律稍
大的篇幅，使之能包含相当大的容量；在语言节奏方面，虽然七律每句只比五律多二字，
但经过杜甫的精心调节，却可以产生多种多样的变化。于是，七律成为一种既工丽严整，
又开合动荡，具有独特的艺术表现力的诗型。试看他的名作《秋兴八首》之一：
玉露凋伤枫树林，巫山巫峡气萧森。江间波浪兼天涌，塞上风云接地阴。丛菊两开
他日泪，孤舟一系故园心。寒衣处处催刀尺，白帝城高急暮砧。
诗写巫峡的秋声秋色，美丽而萧瑟，壮阔而阴郁，以此衬托出孤独的诗人形象。整
首诗既有力度，又非常精致，给人以丰富的感受。而有时候，杜甫为了追求特殊的效果，
又把古体诗的句式、音调锤进律诗，人们称之为“拗律”。如《白帝城最高楼》：
城尖径仄旌旆愁，独立缥缈之飞楼。峡坼云霾龙虎卧，江清日抱鼋鼍游。扶桑西枝
对断石，弱水东影随长流。杖藜叹世者谁子？泣血迸空回白头。
在这首诗中，第二句和第七句语法完整，不避虚词、代词，都是古体诗的散文化句
式（通常律诗的句子比较紧缩）。尤其第七句是上五下二的节奏，在第五字“者”处形
成很强的停顿，然后引出悲怆而有力的末句。从声律来说，这首诗每一句第五字的平仄
都和律诗规定的平仄相反；而且对仗的三、四句和五、六句，句尾都是三仄声对三平声，
起伏感很强，具有古风的特征。这样，作者打破了律诗固有的平衡、和谐，于拗折中求
得独特的韵味，借以表达自己不平静的心情。这种借声调和句法的拗折来抒发某种特殊
情绪的手段，后来在宋诗人黄庭坚那里被广泛运用。
杜甫对于诗歌的语言非常重视，他毫不隐讳地宣称：“语不惊人死不休。”（《江
上值水如海势聊短述》）他的努力，也确实取得了惊人的成就。可以说，杜甫把中国古
典诗歌语言的表现力，提高到一个新的阶段。
杜诗语言的功力，表现为两种不同的情况。一是句式、词汇并不特别，但由于写得
准确有力，而给人以强烈的感受。如《羌村》中“妻孥怪我在”，读起来是很平常的句
子，但它刻画出妻子见丈夫仍在人世、刹那间竟感到奇怪的神情，成为惊心动魄的一笔。
又如《江亭王阆州筵饯钱遂州》中“老畏歌声断，愁随舞曲长”，也不是很特别的句子，
却很充分地写出了诗人观赏歌舞时潦倒愁闷的心情。另一种情况就是用不寻常的语言和
修辞手法，造成新鲜的、能够激活读者心理感受的形象。譬如杜甫的写景诗句，常把表
示色彩的字放在开头，然后用一个动词引入实物，像“青惜峰峦过，黄知橘柚来”
（《放船》），“碧知湖外草，红见海东云”（《晴》），“绿垂风折笋，红绽雨肥梅”
（《陪郑广文游何将军山林》）等。这样写来，既醒目又能表现出情感的流动。古人炼
字，有“诗眼”之说，即一句诗中有一个字特别警醒，使全句皆活。杜甫这方面的长处
尤其为人钦服，赞为一字之下，后人无法更易。像“风起春灯乱，江鸣夜雨悬”（《船
下夔州郭宿雨湿不得上岸别王二十判官》）的“乱”和“悬”，“星垂平野阔，月涌大
江流”（《旅夜书怀》）的“垂”与“涌”，“万姓疮痍合，群山嗜欲肥”（《送卢十
四弟侍御护韦尚书灵榇归上都二十四韵》）的“合”与“肥”等，不胜枚举。至若《秋
兴》中“丛菊两开他日泪，孤舟一系故园心”，动词“开”和“系”都关联两项事物，
更是精巧绝伦。
杜甫诗歌的艺术风格多种多样，最具有特征性的、也是杜甫自己提出并为历来评论
者所公认的，是“沉郁顿挫”（《进雕赋表》）。所谓“沉郁”，主要表现为意境开阔
壮大、感情深沉苍凉；所谓“顿挫”，主要表现为语言和韵律屈折有力，而不是平滑流
利或任情奔放。形成这种特点的根本原因，是杜甫诗歌所要表达的人生情感非常强烈，
而同时这种情感又受到理性的节制。他的思虑常常很复杂、心情常常很矛盾，所以他需
要找到恰当和适度的表达方法。这样，使得诗中的情感之流成为有力度而受控制的涌动。
杜甫是一位集大成和承前启后的诗人，清代叶燮《原诗》中说：“杜甫之诗，包源
流，综正变。自甫以前，如汉魏之浑朴古雅，六朝之藻丽秾纤、澹远韶秀，甫诗无一不
备。然出于甫，皆甫之诗，无一字句为前人之诗也。自甫以后，在唐如韩愈、李贺之奇
奡，刘禹锡、杜牧之雄杰，刘长卿之流利，温庭筠、李商隐之轻艳，以至宋、金、元、
明之诗家，称巨擘者，无虑数十百人，各自炫奇翻异，而甫无一不为之开先。”这样说，
不无夸张之处，但杜甫善于总结前人经验和善于创造，而开启了后代众多诗家、诗派，
却是无疑的事实。
（中国文学史，章培恒 骆玉明，youth扫校）
Initially little known, his works came to be hugely influential in both Chinese and Japanese culture. Of his poetic writing, nearly fifteen hundred poems written by Du Fu have been handed down over the ages. He has been called Poet-Historian and the Poet-Sage by Chinese critics, while the range of his work has allowed him to be introduced to Western readers as "the Chinese Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Shakespeare, Milton, Burns, Wordsworth, Béranger, Hugo or Baudelaire".
Traditionally, Chinese literary criticism has placed great emphasis on knowledge of the life of the author when interpreting a work, a practice which Watson attributes to "the close links that traditional Chinese thought posits between art and morality". This becomes all the more important in the case of a writer such as Du Fu, in whose poems morality and history are so prominent. Another reason, identified by the Chinese historian William Hung, is that Chinese poems are typically extremely concise, omitting circumstantial factors which may be relevant, but which could be reconstructed by an informed contemporary. For modern western readers therefore, "The less accurately we know the time, the place and the circumstances in the background, the more liable we are to imagine it incorrectly, and the result will be that we either misunderstand the poem or fail to understand it altogether". Du Fu's life is therefore treated here in some detail.
Early years
Most of what is known of Du Fu’s life comes from his own poems. Like many other Chinese poets, he came from a noble family (they claimed descent from the emperor Yao) which had fallen into relative poverty (although Hung estimates that his family income was still eleven times that of an averagely comfortable family). He was born in 712: the exact birthplace is unknown, except that it was near Luoyang, Henan province (Gong county is a favourite candidate). In later life he considered himself to belong to the capital city of Chang'an.
Du Fu's mother died shortly after he was born, and he was partially raised by his aunt. He had an elder brother, who died young. He also had three half brothers and one half sister, to whom he frequently refers in his poems, although he never mentions his stepmother.
As the son of a minor scholar-official, his youth was spent on the standard education of a future civil servant: study and memorisation of the Confucian classics of philosophy, history and poetry. He later claimed to have produced creditable poems by his early teens, but these have been lost.
In the early 730s he travelled in the Jiangsu/Zhejiang area; his earliest surviving poem, describing a poetry contest, is thought to date from the end of this period, around 735. In that year he travelled to Chang'an to take the civil service exam but was unsuccessful, to his surprise and that of centuries of later critics. Hung concludes that he probably failed because his prose style at the time was too dense and obscure, while Chou suggests that his failure to cultivate connections in the capital may have been to blame. After this failure he went back to travelling, this time around Shandong and Hebei.
His father died around 740. Du Fu would have been allowed to enter the civil service because of his father's rank, but he is thought to have given up the privilege in favour of one of his half brothers. He spent the next four years living in the Luoyang area, fulfilling his duties in domestic affairs.
In the autumn of 744 he met Li Bai (Li Po) for the first time, and the two poets formed a somewhat one-sided friendship: Du Fu was by some years the younger, while Li Bai was already a poetic star. We have twelve poems to or about Li Bai from the younger poet, but only one in the other direction. They met again only once, in 745.
In 746 he moved to the capital in an attempt to resurrect his official career. He participated in a second exam the following year, but all the candidates were failed by the prime minister (apparently in order to prevent the emergence of possible rivals). Thereafter he never again attempted the examinations, instead petitioning the emperor directly in 751, 754 and probably again in 755. He married around 752, and by 757 the couple had had five children — three sons and two daughters — but one of the sons died in infancy in 755. From 754 he began to have lung problems (probably asthma), the first of a series of ailments which dogged him for the rest of his life. It was in that year that Du Fu was forced to move his family due to the turmoil of a famine brought about by massive floods in the region.
In 755 he finally received an appointment as Registrar of the Right Commandant's office of the Crown Prince's Palace. Although this was a minor post, in normal times it would have been at least the start of an official career. Even before he had begun work, however, the position was swept away by events.
War
The An Lushan Rebellion began in December 755, and was not completely crushed for almost eight years. It caused enormous disruption to Chinese society: the census of 754 recorded 52.9 million people, but that of 764 just 16.9 million, the remainder having been killed or displaced. During this time, Du Fu led a largely itinerant life, being kept unsettled by wars, associated famines and imperial displeasure. This period of unhappiness, however, was the making of Du Fu as a poet: Eva Shan Chou has written that, "What he saw around him– the lives of his family, neighbors, and strangers– what he heard, and what he hoped for or feared from the progress of various campaigns– these became the enduring themes of his poetry". Even when he learned of the death of his youngest child, he turned to the suffering of others in his poetry instead of dwelling upon his own misfortunes. Du Fu wrote:
"Brooding on what I have lived through, if even I know such suffering, the common man must surely be rattled by the winds."
In 756 Emperor Xuanzong was forced to flee the capital and abdicate. Du Fu, who had been away from the city, took his family to a place of safety and attempted to join up with the court of the new emperor (Suzong), but he was captured by the rebels and taken to Chang’an. In the autumn, his youngest son Du Zongwu (Baby Bear) was born. Around this time Du Fu is thought to have contracted malaria.
He escaped from Chang'an the following year, and was appointed Reminder when he rejoined the court in May 757. This post gave access to the emperor, but was largely ceremonial. Du Fu's conscientiousness compelled him to try to make use of it: he soon caused trouble for himself by protesting against the removal of his friend and patron Fang Guan on a petty charge; he was then himself arrested, but was pardoned in June. He was granted leave to visit his family in September, but he soon rejoined the court and on December 8, 757, he returned to Chang’an with the emperor following its recapture by government forces. However, his advice continued to be unappreciated, and in the summer of 758 he was demoted to a post as Commissioner of Education in Huazhou. The position was not to his taste: in one poem, he wrote:
"I am about to scream madly in the office/Especially when they bring more papers to pile higher on my desk."
He moved on again in the summer of 759; this has traditionally been ascribed to famine, but Hung believes that frustration is a more likely reason. He next spent around six weeks in Qinzhou (now Tianshui, Gansu province), where he wrote over sixty poems.
Chengdu
In 760 he arrived in Chengdu (Sichuan province), where he based himself for most of the next five years. By the autumn of that year he was in financial trouble, and sent poems begging help to various acquaintances. He was relieved by Yen Wu, a friend and former colleague who was appointed governor general at Chengdu. Despite his financial problems, this was one of the happiest and most peaceful periods of his life, and many of his poems from this period are peaceful depictions of his life in his famous "thatched hut". In 762 he left the city to escape a rebellion, but he returned in the summer of 764 and was appointed military advisor to Yen, who was involved in campaigns against the Tibetans.
Last years
Luoyang, the region of his birthplace, was recovered by government forces in the winter of 762, and in the spring of 765 Du Fu and his family sailed down the Yangtze, apparently with the intention of making their way back there. They travelled slowly, held up by his ill-health (by this time he was suffering from poor eyesight, deafness and general old age in addition to his previous ailments). They stayed in Kuizhou (now Baidi, Chongqing) at the entrance to the Three Gorges for almost two years from late spring 766. This period was Du Fu's last great poetic flowering, and here he wrote 400 poems in his dense, late style. In autumn 766 Bo Maolin became governor of the region: he supported Du Fu financially and employed him as his unofficial secretary.
In March 768 he began his journey again and got as far as Hunan province, where he died in Tanzhou (now Changsha) in November or December 770, in his 59th year. He was survived by his wife and two sons, who remained in the area for some years at least. His last known descendant is a grandson who requested a grave inscription for the poet from Yuan Zhen in 813.
Hung summarises his life by concluding that, "He appeared to be a filial son, an affectionate father, a generous brother, a faithful husband, a loyal friend, a dutiful official, and a patriotic subject."
Works
Criticism of Du Fu's works has focused on his strong sense of history, his moral engagement, and his technical excellence.
History
Since the Song dynasty Du Fu has been called by critics the "poet historian" (詩史 shī shǐ). The most directly historical of his poems are those commenting on military tactics or the successes and failures of the government, or the poems of advice which he wrote to the emperor. Indirectly, he wrote about the effect of the times in which he lived on himself, and on the ordinary people of China. As Watson notes, this is information "of a kind seldom found in the officially compiled histories of the era".
Du Fu's political comments are based on emotion rather than calculation: his prescriptions have been paraphrased as, "Let us all be less selfish, let us all do what we are supposed to do". Since his views were impossible to disagree with, however, his forcefully expressed truisms enabled his installation as the central figure of Chinese poetic history.
Moral engagement
A second favourite epithet of Chinese critics is that of "poet sage" (詩聖 shī shèng), a counterpart to the philosophical sage, Confucius. One of the earliest surviving works, The Song of the Wagons (from around 750), gives voice to the sufferings of a conscript soldier in the imperial army, even before the beginning of the rebellion; this poem brings out the tension between the need of acceptance and fulfilment of one's duties, and a clear-sighted consciousness of the suffering which this can involve. These themes are continuously articulated in the poems on the lives of both soldiers and civilians which Du Fu produced throughout his life.
Although Du Fu's frequent references to his own difficulties can give the impression of an all-consuming solipsism, Hawkes argues that his "famous compassion in fact includes himself, viewed quite objectively and almost as an afterthought". He therefore "lends grandeur" to the wider picture by comparing it to "his own slightly comical triviality".
Du Fu's compassion, for himself and for others, was part of his general broadening of the scope of poetry: he devoted many works to topics which had previously been considered unsuitable for poetic treatment. Zhang Jie wrote that for Du Fu, "everything in this world is poetry", and he wrote extensively on subjects such as domestic life, calligraphy, paintings, animals and other poems.
Technical excellence
Du Fu's work is notable above all for its range. Chinese critics traditionally used the term 集大成 (jídàchéng- "complete symphony"), a reference to Mencius' description of Confucius. Yuan Zhen was the first to note the breadth of Du Fu's achievement, writing in 813 that his predecessor, "united in his work traits which previous men had displayed only singly". He mastered all the forms of Chinese poetry: Chou says that in every form he "either made outstanding advances or contributed outstanding examples". Furthermore, his poems use a wide range of registers, from the direct and colloquial to the allusive and self-consciously literary. The tenor of his work changed as he developed his style and adapted to his surroundings ("chameleon-like" according to Watson): his earliest works are in a relatively derivative, courtly style, but he came into his own in the years of the rebellion. Owen comments on the "grim simplicity" of the Qinzhou poems, which mirrors the desert landscape; the works from his Chengdu period are "light, often finely observed"; while the poems from the late Kuizhou period have a "density and power of vision".
Although he wrote in all poetic forms, Du Fu is best known for his lǜshi, a type of poem with strict constraints on the form and content of the work. About two thirds of his 1500 extant works are in this form, and he is generally considered to be its leading exponent. His best lǜshi use the parallelisms required by the form to add expressive content rather than as mere technical restrictions. Hawkes comments that, "it is amazing that Tu Fu is able to use so immensely stylized a form in so natural a manner".
Influence
In his lifetime, and immediately following his death, Du Fu was not greatly appreciated. In part this can be attributed to his stylistic and formal innovations, some of which are still "considered extremely daring and bizarre by Chinese critics". There are few contemporary references to him — only eleven poems from six writers — and these describe him in terms of affection, but not as a paragon of poetic or moral ideals. Du Fu is also poorly represented in contemporary anthologies of poetry.
However, as Hung notes, he "is the only Chinese poet whose influence grew with time", and in the ninth century he began to increase in popularity. Early positive comments came from Bai Juyi, who praised the moral sentiments of some of Du Fu's works (although he found these in only a small fraction of the poems), and from Han Yu, who wrote a piece defending Du Fu and Li Bai on aesthetic grounds from attacks made against them. By the beginning of the 10th century, Wei Zhuang had constructed the first replica of his thatched cottage in Sichuan.
It was in the 11th century, during the Northern Song era that Du Fu's reputation reached its peak. In this period a comprehensive re-evaluation of earlier poets took place, in which Wang Wei, Li Bai and Du Fu came to be regarded as representing respectively the Buddhist, Taoist and Confucian strands of Chinese culture. At the same time, the development of Neo-Confucianism ensured that Du Fu, as its poetic exemplar, occupied the paramount position. Su Shi famously expressed this reasoning when he wrote that Du Fu was "preeminent... because... through all his vicissitudes, he never for the space of a meal forgot his sovereign". His influence was helped by his ability to reconcile apparent opposites: political conservatives were attracted by his loyalty to the established order, while political radicals embraced his concern for the poor. Literary conservatives could look to his technical mastery, while literary radicals were inspired by his innovations. Since the establishment of the People's Republic of China, Du Fu's loyalty to the state and concern for the poor have been interpreted as embryonic nationalism and socialism, and he has been praised for his use of simple, "people's language".
Du Fu's popularity grew to such an extent that it is as hard to measure his influence as that of Shakespeare in England: it was hard for any Chinese poet not to be influenced by him. While there was never another Du Fu, individual poets followed in the traditions of specific aspects of his work: Bai Juyi's concern for the poor, Lu You's patriotism, and Mei Yaochen's reflections on the quotidian are a few examples. More broadly, Du Fu's work in transforming the lǜshi from mere word play into "a vehicle for serious poetic utterance" set the stage for every subsequent writer in the genre.
Du Fu has also been influential beyond China, although in common with the other High Tang poets, his reception into the Japanese literary culture was relatively late. It was not until the 17th century that he was accorded the same respect in Japan as in China, but he then had a particular influence on Matsuo Bashō. In the 20th century, he was the favourite poet of Kenneth Rexroth, who has described him as "the greatest non-epic, non dramatic poet who has survived in any language", and commented that, "he has made me a better man, as a moral agent and as a perceiving organism".
Translation
There have been a number of notable translations of Du Fu’s work into English. The translators have each had to contend with the same problems of bringing out the formal constraints of the original without sounding laboured to the western ear (particularly when translating lǜshi), and of dealing with the allusions contained particularly in the later works (Hawkes writes that "his poems do not as a rule come through very well in translation" — p. ix). One extreme on each issue is represented by Kenneth Rexroth’s One Hundred Poems From the Chinese. His are free translations, which seek to conceal the parallelisms through enjambement and expansion and contraction of the content; his responses to the allusions are firstly to omit most of these poems from his _select_ion, and secondly to “translate out” the references in those works which he does _select_.
An example of the opposite approach is Burton Watson's The _Select_ed Poems of Du Fu. Watson follows the parallelisms quite strictly, persuading the western reader to adapt to the poems rather than vice versa. Similarly, he deals with the allusion of the later works by combining literal translation with extensive annotation.