| 姓： | 劉 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 名： | 徹 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 字： | 通 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 網筆號： | 漢孝武皇帝 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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汉武帝漢武帝創造了六個“第一”；第一：第一個用儒傢學說統一思想的皇帝。第二：第一個創立太學培養人才的皇帝。第三：第一個大力拓展中國疆土的皇帝。第四：第一個開通西域的皇帝.第五：第一個用皇帝年號來紀元的皇帝。第六：第一個用罪己詔形式進行自我批評的皇帝。
正如歷史正劇《漢武大帝》所云：他建立了一個國傢前所未有的尊嚴;他給了一個族群挺立千秋的自信;他的國號成了一個偉大民族永遠的名字.
漢武帝創立年號同時也是中國第一個使用年號的皇帝。他登基之初，繼續他父親生前推行的養生息民政策，進一步削弱諸侯的勢力，頒布大臣主父偃提出的推恩令，以法製來推動諸侯分封諸子為侯，使諸侯的封地不得不自我縮減。同時他設立刺史，監察地方。在軍隊和經濟上則加強中央集權，將冶鐵、煮????、釀酒等民間生意編成由中央管理，同時禁止諸侯國鑄錢，使得財政權集於中央。他采用董仲舒的建議，“罷黜百傢，獨尊儒術”，為儒學成為封建正統地位地位鋪平了道路。不過事實上漢武帝時期從來不曾缺少法治思想，在宣揚儒學的同時漢武帝亦采用法規和刑法來鞏固政府的權威和顯示皇權的地位，因此漢學家認為這更應該是以法為主以儒為輔，內法外儒的一種體製，對廣大百姓宣揚儒道以示政府的懷柔，而對政府內部又施以嚴酷的刑法來約束大臣。而宣儒並不等於棄法，法依然是漢武帝時期的最終裁决手段，當時積極啓用的汲黯和對司馬遷用宮刑即是其中著名的例子。
春節始於太初改歷，漢武帝改正朔。漢武帝時期，衛青霍去病三次大規模出擊匈奴，封狼居胥。張騫出使西域，開闢絲綢之路。從此西域成為幾大文明交匯之地，漢武帝被稱為“冠於百王”。
（註：漢武帝的確生於公元前157年，這在《史記》中有記載，詳見後文。）
【名臣名將】
丞相：竇嬰 許昌 田蚡 莊青翟 石慶 公孫賀 劉屈犛 田千秋
太尉大司馬：田蚡 衛青 霍去病 霍光
御史大夫：莊青翟 韓安國 公孫弘 張湯 石慶 卜式 兒寬 杜周 桑弘羊
列將軍： 霍去病 金日磾（bi) 上官桀
奉常太常：王臧 孔臧 韓延年
郎中令： 王臧 李廣 李敢
衛尉： 李廣 韓安國 張騫 路博得
太僕： 灌夫 公孫賀 公孫敬聲
廷尉： 張湯 趙禹 杜周 郭居
太行令大鴻臚： 王恢 李息 張騫 田千秋
宗正大農令：韓安國 鄭當時 劉受 顔異 桑弘羊
中尉少府執金吾：韓安國 趙禹 李息 王溫舒 尹齊 顔異 桑弘羊
都尉： 汲黯 朱買臣 江充
內史：石慶 鄭當時 公孫弘 汲黯 兒寬 減宣
還有東方朔 主父偃 司馬遷 蘇武 董仲舒 司馬相如 李陵
晚年生活
知天命的漢武帝亦感到自己晚年政治决策的失誤帶來的惡果，安撫流民的同時，在登泰山、祀明堂之後，武帝在輪臺宮殿(並非新疆輪臺)裏下《罪己詔》：《輪臺罪己詔》“朕即位以來，所為狂悖，使天下愁苦，不可追悔。自今事有傷害百姓，糜費天下者，悉罷之！”以表示承認自己的錯誤。天下也因此又逐漸歸於和諧，為昭宣中興的盛世奠定了基礎。
史書《罪己詔》記載：「朕自即位以來，所為狂悖，使天下愁苦，不可追悔。自今事有傷害百姓、靡費天下者，悉罷之。」強調「當今務在禁苛暴，止擅賦，力本農。修馬政復令以補缺，毋乏武備而已。」
公元前88年，漢武帝叫畫工畫了一張“周公背成王朝諸侯圖”送給霍光，意思是讓霍光輔佐他的小兒子劉弗陵作皇帝。子幼母壯，為了防止太子的年輕母親鈎弋夫人重演呂後稱製的局面，漢武帝狠下心找藉口處死了她。公元前87年二月丁卯，漢武帝駕崩於五柞宮，享年七十歲。三月甲申葬於茂陵，廟號是世宗。
【相關音像】
中華民族發展史上漢武帝創造了數個第一：
一獨尊儒術；聽取董仲舒的建議，“罷黜百傢，獨尊儒術” 開創中國傳統主流文化之正統，在中華傳統文化舞臺上獨領風騷兩千餘年，受到歷代統治者所推崇。這裏要說明的是，漢武帝並非限製其他各傢的發展，致使大力提倡儒傢的發展儒法結合。例如夏侯始昌既研習儒傢又通曉陰陽五行傢；宰相公孫弘兼治儒法兩傢；主父偃以縱橫傢起傢；耿直的汲黯司馬談司馬遷以黃老學說起傢。
二設立中朝 抑製外朝；
在惠文景帝期間，丞相大多主要是隨劉邦打天下的功臣丞相受到禮遇，武帝和丞相多有不合，為貫徹自己的命令，於是設立中朝，尚書臺也是這一時期出現的。
三建立年號；
中國歷史上第一位使用年號的皇帝，公元前113年武帝以當年為元鼎四年，並追改以前為建元，元光，元朔 元狩，每一年號六年。
四太初改歷；
太初元年（前104）改太初歷，以正月為歲首，色上黃。
五????鐵官營；
????鐵官營自漢代延續至今，今天????鐵茶主要仍由政府及國企控製。
六通西域；
中國傳出了冶鐵術、鑿井術、絲綢製造、漆器製造等技術，西方（域）傳入鬍（黃）瓜 鬍蘿蔔 葡萄 汗血馬 核桃 天馬等 歷史意義重大
七開疆拓土。
西北：霍去病、 衛青、 李廣利 張騫以及細君解憂等人的前赴後繼的努力西域首次與中國聯繫緊密，為後來把西域並入中國版圖奠定基礎。
西南：使者軍隊的接連出現使西南邊陲第一次並入中國版圖
北方：衛青霍去病的出擊使北疆長時間穩定，保護了京師的穩定。
【大一統措施】
漢武帝即位之初，一方面政治形勢比較穩定，國傢經濟狀況也相當好，另一方面諸侯王國的分裂因素依然存在，潛在威脅還不小。所以，他在繼續推行景帝各項政策的同時，采取了一係列強化中央集權的措施。
政治：在政治方面，采納主父偃的建議，頒布“推恩令”，削弱漢初分封的諸侯國勢力，加強監察制度等。漢武帝還變古創製，包括收相權、設刺史、立平準均輸等重大改革與創製，建立了一套係統完整的政治制度。這種法製傳統，成為此後二千年間中華帝國制度的基本範式。
軍事，對外友好：在軍事方面，主要是集中兵權，充實了中央的軍事力量；改革兵製。派衛青，霍去病出擊匈奴，使北部邊郡得以安定，派張騫出使西域，開括了西北邊疆：開通了西漢聯繫西域以至中亞給地通道
經濟：在經濟方面，采取重農輕商，整頓財政，頒布“算緡”、“告緡”令，徵收商人資産稅，大力打擊姦商；又采取桑弘羊建議，將冶鐵、煮????收歸官營，禁止郡國鑄錢，統一鑄造五銖錢；設置平準官、均輸官，由官府經營運輸和貿易，大大增強了國傢經濟實力。同時興修水利，移民西北屯田，實行“代田法”，有利於農業生産的發展。在經濟方面還有一條重要的舉措，就是將當時的貨幣進行統一。
思想：在思想方面，采納董仲舒的建議．罷黜百傢，獨尊儒術的建議，使儒學成為了中國社會的統治思想，大力推行儒學，在長安設太學。儒傢學說成為中國封建統治正統思想，一直延續了兩千多年，對後世中國政治、社會、文化産生了深遠的影響。
人事：漢武帝也非常註重人才的開發，他確立了察舉制度，是中國有係統選拔人才制度之濫觴，對後世影響很大。
漢武帝進行了人類歷史上第一次人口統計。
意義：西漢進入鼎盛時期，也是中國封建時代的第一個鼎盛局面。
【對外關係】
·發動對匈奴戰爭
漢武帝對外采取軟硬兼施的手段，一方面自前133年馬邑之戰起結束高祖以來對匈奴的和親政策，開始對匈奴正式宣戰，先後派李廣、衛青、霍去病徵伐，解除了匈奴威脅，奪回河套和河西走廊地區，擴張了西域版圖，將匈奴置於被動稱臣的局面，保障了北方經濟文化的發展。
·派張騫出使西域
漢武帝在發動對匈奴戰爭同時，他派張騫出使西域，打通了著名的絲綢之路，進一步加強了與西域的聯繫，並發展了中西經濟文化的交流。
·對東北方和南方用兵，擴充疆土
在東北方，他派兵滅衛氏朝鮮（今朝鮮北部），置樂浪、玄菟、臨屯、真番四郡，漢帝國的版圖至此基本成形。
同時使南方的夜郎、南越政權歸附漢朝，在西南先後設立了七個郡，最南端超過今天越南鬍志明市，這也使得今天的兩廣地區自秦朝後重歸中國版圖。
·後果
漢武帝由於連年對匈奴和西域用兵，並由於舉行封禪，祀神求仙，揮霍無度，加以徭役加重，捐稅增高，致使農民大量破産流亡。天漢二年（前99年），齊、楚、燕、趙和南陽等地均爆發了不同規模的農民起義。但對匈奴的打擊使匈奴再無力與西漢政府相對抗，保證了北方邊郡乃至全國的安全。
【個人生活】
後妃子女
皇后
陳皇后 陳阿嬌，父堂邑侯陳午，母劉嫖既館陶大長公主，“金屋藏嬌”的典故由來，無子，後被廢黜。
衛皇后 衛子夫，後亦被廢黜，漢宣帝重新追封為孝武衛思後，生劉據、衛長公主、石邑公主、諸邑公主。
李皇后 李夫人，由霍光追封為孝武皇后，李延年的妹妹，生劉髆。
趙太後 趙婕妤（勾弋夫人）， 生漢昭帝劉弗陵。
妃嬪
王夫人 生齊懷王劉閎。
尹夫人 尹婕妤
邢夫人 邢娙娥
李姬，生蓋長公主、劉旦、劉胥。
某氏，生夷安公主。
兒子
長子 戾太子劉據 母皇后衛子夫
次子 齊懷王劉閎 母王夫人 元狩六年立，18歲駕薨
三子 燕剌王劉旦 母李姬
四子 廣陵厲王劉胥（與齊懷王劉閎同時立）
五子 昌邑哀王劉髆 母李夫人 ，天漢四年立（其子劉賀當過27天皇帝）
六子 漢昭帝劉弗陵 母鈎弋夫人趙婕妤，在位十三年，21歲駕崩
女兒
由於歷史記載不詳，漢武帝之女未有明確排序。
蓋長公主 （鄂邑長公主）
衛長公主 （當利公主），是漢武帝和衛皇后的長女，也是漢武帝最喜歡的女兒。
漢武帝為求長生不老，派人到處尋訪方士。最著名的方士欒大，被封為五利將軍、天道將軍、地道將軍、樂通侯，“賜列侯甲第，僮千人、乘輿斥車馬帷帳器物以充其傢”，漢武帝還將衛長公主嫁給了他（衛長公主原先嫁給曹壽的兒子曹襄，可能是因為丈夫早死，再嫁欒大），後來武帝發現欒大是個騙子，怒火中燒，派人把欒大活活燒死，以瀉心頭之恨。從此衛長公主再無事跡見於史料。衹知道她的兒子曹宗在“巫蠱之禍” 中遇害身亡，漢宣帝時她的孫子曹喜恢復了列侯爵位，這個爵位一直延續到東漢。 “巫蠱之禍”的發生，首先從衛長公主的兩個妹妹陽石公主、諸邑公主案拉開序幕。
徵和二年(前91)，有人舉報丞相公孫賀的兒子公孫敬聲與陽石公主私通，又派人用巫術詛咒漢武帝，並且在漢武帝經常經過的甘泉宮馳道埋偶人，祝詛之言十分惡毒。於是公孫賀父子死於獄中，整個傢族都被處死。數月之後，陽石公主和諸邑公主都因為巫蠱罪而被處死。
石邑公主 司馬貞《索引》認為石邑公主是衛子夫三個女兒之一，另外兩位是衛長公主和諸邑公主。
陽石公主 （德邑公主） 唯一的記載是“巫蠱之禍”，《史記》和《漢書》衹說其是帝女，並未交代其母親身份。因為和諸邑公主同時因巫蠱罪被處死，所以現在一些註解把她當成了衛子夫的女兒。
諸邑公主
夷安公主 嫁漢武帝姊妹隆慮公主子昭平君。
漢代衹有皇后的女兒纔有專門的記載，漢武帝是否有其他女兒還有待發現。
【相關音像】
中國大陸：
電視劇《漢武帝》，由周裏京飾演漢武帝。
[漢武帝]
漢武帝
電視劇《漢武大帝》，由陳寶國飾演漢武帝。
電視劇《司馬遷》，由許還山飾演漢武帝。
電視劇《大漢天子》係列，由黃曉明飾演漢武帝。
電視劇《鳳求凰》，由劉小鋒飾演漢武帝。
電視劇《東方朔》，由靳東 飾演漢武帝。
電視劇《劍行天下》，又名大漢英雄，由鄭國林飾演漢武帝。
【歷史記載】
·《史記》之《孝武本紀》(節選)
【正文（1）】
[漢武帝劉徹]
漢武帝劉徹
孝武皇帝者，①孝景中子也。②母曰王太後。孝景四年，以皇子為膠東王。
孝景七年，慄太子（劉榮）廢為臨江王，以膠東王為太子。孝景十六年崩，太子即位，為孝武皇帝。③孝武皇帝初即位，尤敬鬼神之祀。
【註解】
註①集解漢書音義曰：“諱徹。” 正義謚法雲：“剋定禍亂曰武。” 註②索隱按：景十三王傳廣川王已上皆是武帝兄，自河閑王德以至廣川，凡有八 人，則武帝第九也。註③集解張晏曰：“武帝以景帝元年生，七歲為太子，為太子十歲而景帝崩，時年十六矣。”
【正文（1）】
元年，漢興已六十餘歲矣，①天下乂安，②薦紳③之屬皆望天子封禪改正度也。而上鄉儒術，招賢良，趙綰﹑王臧等以文學為公卿，欲議古立明堂城南，④以朝諸侯。草巡狩封禪改歷服色事未就。會竇太後治黃老言，不好儒術，使人微得趙綰等姦利事，⑤召案綰 ﹑臧，綰﹑臧自殺，⑥諸所興為者皆廢。
【註解】
註①集解徐廣曰：“六十七年，歲在辛醜。” 註②正義乂音魚廢反。註③索隱上音搢。搢，挺也。言挺笏於紳帶之閑，事出禮內則。今作“薦”者，古字假藉耳。漢書作“縉紳”，臣瓚雲“縉，赤白色”，非也。註④索隱城南，長安城南門外也。案：關中記雲明堂在長安城門外，杜門之西也。 註⑤集解徐廣曰：“纖微伺察之。” 註⑥正義漢書孝武帝二年，御史大夫趙綰坐請無奏事太皇太後，及郎中令王臧皆下獄，自殺。應劭雲：“王臧儒者，欲立明堂﹑辟雍，太後素好黃老術，非薄五經，因故絶奏事太後，太後怒，故令殺。”
【正文（3）】
後六年，竇太後崩。其明年，上徵文學之士公孫弘等。
明年，上初至雍，郊見五畤。後常三歲一郊。是時上求神君，捨之上林中縞氏觀。神君者，長陵女子，以子死悲哀，故見神於先後宛若。宛若祠之其室，民多往祠。
平原君往祠，其後子孫以尊顯。及武帝即位，則厚禮置祠之內中，聞其言，不見其人云。
是時而李少君亦以祠醦﹑𠔌道﹑卻老方見上，上尊之。少君者，故深澤侯入以主方。匿其年及所生長，常自謂七十，能使物，卻老。其遊以方篃諸侯。無妻子。人聞其能使物及不死，更饋遺之，常餘金錢帛衣食。人皆以為不治産業而饒給，又不知其何所人，愈信，爭事之。少君資好方，善為巧發奇中。嘗從武安侯飲，坐中有年九十餘老人，少君乃言與其大父遊射處，老人為兒時從其大父行，識其處，一坐盡驚。少君見上，上有故銅器，問少君。少君曰：“此器齊桓公十年陳於柏寢。”已而案其刻，果齊桓公器。一宮盡駭，以少君為神，數百歲人也。
少君言於上曰：“祠醦則緻物，緻物而丹沙可化為黃金，黃金成以為飲食器則益壽，益壽而海中蓬萊仙者可見，見之以封禪則不死，黃帝是也。臣嘗遊海上，見安期生，①食臣棗，大如瓜。安期生仙者，通蓬萊中，合則見人，不合則隱。”於是天子始親祠醦，而遣方士入海求蓬萊安期生之屬，而事化丹沙諸藥齊為黃金②矣。
【註解】
註①索隱服虔曰：“古之真人。”案：列仙傳云安期生，琅邪人，賣藥東海邊，時人皆言千歲也。正義列仙傳云：“安期生，琅邪阜鄉亭人也。賣藥海邊。秦始皇請語三夜，賜金數千萬，出，於阜鄉亭，皆置去，留書，以赤玉舄一量為報，曰‘後千歲求我於蓬萊山下’。” 註②索隱齊音劑。
【正文（4）】
居久之，李少君病死。①天子以為化去不死也，而使黃錘②史寬舒③受其方。求蓬萊安期生莫能得，而海上燕齊怪迂之方士多相效，更言神事矣。
【註解】
註①正義漢書起居雲：“李少君將去，武帝夢與共登嵩高山，半道，有使乘竜時從雲中雲‘太一請少君’，帝謂左右‘將捨我去矣’。數月而少君病死。又發棺看，唯衣冠在也。” 註②集解韋昭曰：“人姓名。”正義音直偽反。 註③集解漢書音義曰：“二人皆方士。”正義姓史，名寬舒。
【正文（5）】
亳人薄誘忌①奏祠泰一方，曰：“天神貴者泰一，②泰一佐曰五帝。③古者天子以春秋祭泰一東南郊，用太牢具，七日，④為壇開八通之鬼道。”於是天子令太祝立其祠長安東南郊，常奉祠如忌方。其後人有上書，言“古者天子三年一用太牢具祠神三一：天一，地一，泰一”。天子許之，令太祝領祠之忌泰一壇上，如其方。後人復有上書，言“古者天子常以春秋解祠，祠黃帝用一梟破鏡；⑤冥羊⑥用羊；祠馬行⑦用一青牡馬；泰一﹑臯山山君﹑地長⑧用牛；武夷君⑨用幹魚；陰陽使者⑩以一牛”。令祠官領之如其方，而祠於忌泰一壇旁。
【註解】
註①集解徐廣曰：“一云亳人謬忌也。”索隱亳，山陽縣名。姓謬，名忌，居亳，故下稱薄忌。此文則衍“薄”字，而“謬”又誤作“誘”矣。註②索隱天神貴者太一。案：樂汁微圖雲“紫微宮北極天一太一”。宋均以為天一﹑太一，北極之別名。春秋緯“紫宮，天皇曜魄寶之所理也”。註③索隱其佐曰五帝。河圖雲蒼帝神名靈威仰之屬也。正義五帝，五天帝也。國語雲“蒼帝靈威仰，赤帝赤熛怒，白帝白招矩，黑帝睰光紀，黃帝含樞紐”。尚書帝命驗雲“蒼帝名靈威仰，赤帝名文祖，黃帝名神鬥，白帝名顯紀，黑帝名玄矩”。佐者，謂配祭也。 註④集解徐廣曰：“一云日一太牢具，十日。” 註⑤集解孟康曰：“梟，鳥名，食母。破鏡，獸名，食父。黃帝欲絶其類，使百物祠皆用之。破鏡如貙而虎眼。或云直用破鏡。”如淳曰：“漢使東郡送梟，五月五日為梟羹以賜百官。以惡鳥，故食之。” 註⑥集解服虔曰：“神名也。” 註⑦正義神名也。 註⑧正義丁丈反。三並神名。 註⑨正義神名。註⑩集解漢書音義曰：“陰陽之神也。”
【正文（6）】
其後，天子苑有白鹿，以其皮為幣，①以發瑞應，造白金焉。②
【註解】
註①索隱案：食貨志皮幣以白鹿皮方尺，緣以繢，以薦璧，得以黃金一斤代之。又漢律皮幣率鹿皮方尺，直黃金一斤。註②索隱案：食貨志白金三品，各有差也。正義白金三品，武帝所鑄也。如淳曰：“雜鑄銀錫為白金也。”平準書云：“造銀錫為白金。以為天用莫如竜，地用莫如馬，人用莫如龜，故曰白金三品。其一曰重八兩，圓之，其文竜，名曰白選，直三千；二曰重差小，方之，其文馬，直五百；三曰復小，隋之，其文龜，直三百。” 錢譜雲：“白金第一，其形圓如錢，肉好圓，文為一竜。白銀第二，其形方小長，肉好亦小長，好上下文為二馬。白銀第三，其形似龜，肉好小，是文為龜甲也。”
【正文（7）】
其明年，郊雍，獲一角獸，若麃然。①有司曰：“陛下肅祗郊祀，上帝報享，錫一角獸，蓋麟雲。”②於是以薦五畤，畤加一牛以燎。③賜諸侯白金，以風符應合於天地。④
【註解】
註①集解韋昭曰：“楚人謂麋為麃。”索隱麃音步交反。韋昭曰“體若□而一角，春秋所謂‘有□而角’是也。楚人謂麋為麃”。又周書王會雲麃者若鹿。爾雅雲麋，大鹿也，牛尾一角。郭璞雲漢武獲一角獸若麃，謂之麟是也。註②正義漢書終軍傳云“從上雍，獲白麟”。一角戴肉，設武備而不為害，所以為仁。 註③正義力召反，焚也。註④集解晉灼曰：“符瑞也。”瓚曰：“風示諸侯以此符瑞之應。”
【正文（8）】
於是濟北王以為天子且封禪，乃上書獻泰山及其旁邑。天子受之，更以他縣償之。常山王有谸，遷，天子封其弟於真定，以續先王祀，而以常山為郡。然後五嶽皆在天子之郡。
其明年，齊人少翁①以鬼神方見上。上有所幸王夫人，②夫人卒，少翁以方術蓋夜緻王夫人及醦鬼之貌雲，天子自帷中望見焉。於是乃拜少翁為文成將軍，賞賜甚多，以客禮禮之。文成言曰：“上即欲與神通，宮室被服不象神，神物不至。”乃作畫雲氣車，及各以勝日③駕車闢惡鬼。又作甘泉宮，中為臺室，畫天﹑地﹑泰一諸神，而置祭具以致天神。居歲餘，其方益衰，神不至。
乃為帛書以飯牛，④詳弗知也，言此牛腹中有奇。殺而視之，得書，書言其怪，天子疑之。有識其手書，問之人，果*(為)**[偽]*書。於是誅文成將軍⑤而隱之。
【註解】
註①正義漢武故事雲少翁年二百歲，色如童子。註②集解徐廣曰：“齊懷王閎之母也。”駰案：桓譚新論雲武帝有所愛幸姬王夫人，窈窕好容，質性嬛佞。正義漢書作“李夫人”。註③集解漢書音義曰：“如火勝金，用丙與丁日，不用庚辛。” 註④正義飯，房晚反。書絹帛上為怪言語，以飼牛。註⑤正義漢武故事雲：“文成誅月餘，有使者藉貨關東還，逢之於漕亭，還見言之，上乃疑，發其棺，無所見，唯有竹筒一枚，捕驗閑無蹤跡也。”
【巫蠱之禍】
巫蠱之禍是漢武帝末年封建統治集團內部發生的重大政治事件，巫蠱為一種巫術。當時人認為使巫師祠祭或以桐木偶人埋於地下，詛咒所怨者，被詛咒者即有災難。
徵和二年（公元前９１），丞相公孫賀之子公孫敬聲被人告發為巫蠱咒武帝，與陽石公主姦，賀父子下獄死，諸邑公主與陽石公主、衛青之子長平侯衛伉皆坐誅。武帝命寵臣江充為使者治巫蠱，江充與太子劉據有隙，遂與案道侯韓說、宦官蘇文等人誣陷太子，太子起兵抵抗，與同為皇族的丞相劉屈髦激戰五日，最終，太子勢孤力弱而兵敗，唯有逃離長安。漢武帝詔遣宗正劉長樂、執金吾劉敢奉策收皇后璽綬，衛子夫選擇了自殺。太子逃到湖縣（今河南靈寶西）一戶貧傢，新安（今河南澠池東）縣令李壽得知太子的下落，就帶領人馬來捉拿他。太子上吊自殺。他的兩個兒子和那一傢的主人，也被李壽手下的張富昌等人殺死，至此，太子的妻子兒女全部遇害，衹留下一位孫子劉詢，又稱劉病已，也就是後來的漢宣帝。
久之，巫蠱事多不信。田千秋等上書訟太子冤，武帝得知太子的冤屈，乃族滅江充傢，焚蘇文於橫橋上，追捕太子的官吏被族滅。徵和三年，劉屈髦因與李廣利密謀擁立李廣利外甥昌邑哀王（李夫人之子劉髆）被殺，其傢人亦被殺，加上被太子殺死的韓說，此時巫蠱之禍中的主要人物皆已亡故。武帝後來修建“思子宮”，於太子被害處作“歸來望思之臺”，以志哀思。但是因巫蠱之禍牽連受死的，前後達數萬人。
【年號列表】
建元 前140年—前135年
元光 前134年—前129年
元朔 前128年—前123年
元狩 前122年—前117年
元鼎 前116年—前111年
元封 前110年—前105年
太初 前104年—前101年
天漢 前100年—前97年
太始 前96年—前93年
徵和 前92年—前89年
後元 前88年—前87年
傳記 《史記·孝武本紀》
《漢書·武帝紀》
【相關詩詞】
念奴嬌 漢武巡朔方
宋:李綱
茂陵仙客，算真是、天與雄纔宏略。
獵取天驕馳衛霍，如使鷹鸇驅雀。
鏖戰臯蘭，犁庭竜磧，飲至行勳爵。
中華疆盛，坐令夷狄衰弱。
追想當日巡行，勒兵十萬騎，橫臨邊朔。
親總貔貅談笑看，黠虜心驚膽落。
寄語單於，兩君相見，何苦逃沙漠。
英風如在，卓然千古高著。
秋風辭（劉徹）
秋風起兮白雲飛，草木黃兮雁南歸。
蘭有秀兮菊有芳，懷佳人兮不能忘。
泛樓船兮濟汾河，橫中流兮揚素波。
蕭鼓鳴兮發棹歌，歡樂極兮哀情多。
少壯幾時兮奈老何！
【鑒賞】秋風吹拂，白雲飛舞，草木枯黃，葉片飄落，雁鳥都飛回南方去了。劉徹：是漢武帝的名字。武帝見秋風吹起而愁緒滿懷，頗有一種感嘆年華老去的意味。
金銅仙人辭漢歌 唐 李賀
魏明帝青竜九年八月，
詔宮官牽車西取漢孝武捧露盤仙人，欲立置前殿。
宮官既拆盤，仙人臨載乃潸然淚下。
唐諸王孫李長吉遂作《金銅仙人辭漢歌》。
茂陵劉郎秋風客 夜聞馬嘶曉無跡 畫欄桂樹懸秋香 叁十六宮土花碧
魏官牽車走千裏 東關酸風射眸子 空將漢月出宮門 憶君情淚如鉛水
衰蘭送客鹹陽道 天若有情天亦老 攜盤獨出月荒涼 渭城已遠聲波小
【背景】詩人有感於此，因而藉金銅仙人辭漢的史事，來抒發興亡之感、傢國之痛和身世之悲。它設想奇特，而又深沉感人；形象鮮明，而又變幻多姿；詞句奇峭，而又妥帖綿密：是李賀的代表作品之一。特別是“天若有情天亦老”一句，已成為傳誦千古的名句。
瓠子歌（劉徹）
“瓠子决兮將奈何，浩浩洋洋兮慮殫為河。
殫為河兮地不得寧，功無已時兮吾山平。
吾山平兮巨野溢，魚弗鬱兮柏鼕日。
正道弛兮離常流，蛟竜騁兮放遠遊。
歸舊川兮神哉沛，不封禪兮安知外。
皇謂河公兮何不仁，泛濫不止兮愁吾人。
嚙桑浮兮淮泗滿，久不反兮水維緩。”
【千秋功過】
【曠世武功】
[漢武帝劉徹]
漢武帝劉徹
漢武帝是第一個奠定中國遼闊疆域的皇帝。
千古一帝秦始皇統一六國，建立了秦王朝。但是，以秦帝國的版圖之遼闊，不過是漢武帝時代版圖的二分之一。
漢武帝對匈奴用兵44年，如此大事武功，在中國歷代帝王中，前無古人，後無來者。
建元元年（前140年），武帝執政。其時匈奴氣焰囂張，西域神秘莫測。
漢武帝絶不能忍受乃父乃祖的“和親外交”，忍氣吞聲，換取短暫和平。他有足夠的財力和人力，持久的雄心和野心，去徵服，去開拓。
漢武帝即位第二年（建元二年，前139），派遣張騫出使大月氏，希望藉此形成反擊匈奴的戰略聯盟，壓縮匈奴的生存空間，實現對匈奴的戰略包圍。年僅18歲的帝王竟有如此眼光，歷朝歷皇，誰可比擬？張騫出使西域，開闢了千古絲綢之路，促進了東西方經濟與文化的交流；中原漢族政權力量延伸到了今天新疆以西。
即位第八年（元光二年，前133），漢武帝第一次運籌帷幄徵戰匈奴，馬邑之戰失利。但是，短暫的失利，絲毫不能影響24歲天子的徵戰豪情，反而促使漢武帝破釜沉舟，毅然拋棄漢王朝施行近七十年的和親國策，全力出擊匈奴！變和平體製為戰爭體製，棄祖宗制度啓現實制度。其間的勇氣和魄力，令人嘆為觀止！
漢武帝曾在一篇求賢《詔》中說：蓋有非常之功，必待非常之人。這篇躊躇滿志、殷情懇切的求賢《詔》，收錄在蕭統《文選》中，千百年來，英雄傳誦，志士吟詠。當年漢武帝以此“廣延天下人才”，今日反觀漢武帝一生功過，此語更是恰如其分！漢武帝之所以立下非常之功，皆因他就是非常之人！
《史記·衛將軍驃騎列傳》記載漢武帝曾打算親自教霍去病兵法（天子嘗欲教之《孫吳兵法》），霍去病雖未學，但可見漢武帝深通兵法，這是他成為卓越的戰略軍事傢的基礎。
論及漢武帝一朝的軍事戰役，人們往往言必稱衛青、霍去病、李廣，沒有人註意到璀璨四射的將星、帥纔背後，遠在廟堂之上，那位足以與西方亞歷山大、愷撒、拿破侖相匹敵的最高統帥——漢武帝。
當年，漢武帝决意改變祖製、對匈開戰，韓安國、汲黯等前朝老臣，公孫弘、主父偃等當朝新銳，紛紛高唱反調。群臣應者寥寥，首戰無功而返，年輕的總指揮卻巋然不動。此後，河南之戰、漠南之戰、漠北之戰，對匈奴作戰的三大重要戰役，都由漢武帝親自决策部署，選將調兵。至於具體的用兵時間、出兵地點、兵力部署、攻擊方向，漢武帝都事無巨細，總攬無遺。
與此同時，漢武帝又劍指東方、南方、東南方、東北方，使漢朝的勢力到達今天西方的中亞，西南的雲貴川，東北的黑吉遼，南方的海南與福建，勾勒出了現代中國版圖的基本框架。
但44年曠日持久的徵戰殺伐，畢竟勞民傷財。對於漢武帝的軍事外交戰略，司馬遷也非常矛盾。《史記·匈奴列傳》是中國歷史上第一篇少數民族史，司馬遷給匈奴立傳，把匈奴看作炎黃子孫之一，表達了他對這場戰爭的性質定位：這是中華民族內部的一場悲劇，戰爭使雙方付出了極高的代價。
雖然當時的漢帝國，還無法形成統一的多民族背景，兩個民族最好的辦法也應該是和平相處。可惜，到了漢武帝時代，和親政策已走入絶路，不得已而對匈用兵，司馬遷對此是理解的；而戰綫越拉越長，漢武帝偶有任人失當，司馬遷也是痛心疾首。
為了寵幸李夫人，漢武帝任命李廣利為貳師將軍，率領數萬人出徵，討伐大宛，不過豔羨其汗血寶馬。結果，打了兩年，軍隊損失十分之八。如此輕率，可謂草菅人命！
欲侯寵姬李氏，拜李廣利為貳師將軍。發屬國六千騎，及郡國惡少年數萬人，以往伐宛。期至貳師城，取善馬，故號貳師將軍。
時間是撫平創痛的良藥。和平年代，人心思定，我們早已無法體察戰爭帶來的切膚之痛；所以，今人的評價理智多於感情。而兩千多年前，司馬遷與天下百姓一道，親歷傢園變廢墟，忍看朋輩成新鬼；一代史傢的良心，使司馬遷不可能面對戰爭之害無動於衷，必然會對漢武帝連年徵戰，導致民生凋敝有所批評。
【千古文治】
漢武帝是第一個用儒傢學說統一中國思想文化的皇帝。
一統江山容易，聚攏人心睏難。秦皇漢武深解其中三昧。秦始皇“焚書坑儒”，漢武帝則“獨尊儒術”。
竇太後去世前，漢武帝就暗度陳倉，設立五經博士，為尊儒打基礎。即位之初，漢武帝迫不及待，舉國推選賢良方正直言敢諫。一位寂寞書生董仲舒，憑《天人三策》，石破天驚，脫穎而出。從此，本為民間一傢的儒學被指定為官方思想，與政治、皇權緊密相連。
據此，漢武帝創建太學、鄉學，設立舉賢制度，形成了中國獨特的文官制度。秦代至漢初，選拔人才用的是軍功爵製；到了漢武帝時代，逐漸轉變為察舉徵闢製，從根本上解决了大漢人才匱乏的局面。
文景崇黃老，寬厚無為，垂拱而治；漢武帝則一反祖宗定法，尊儒術以約束官吏，效法傢而嚴懲貪官，王道霸道，交錯為用。而其中尊儒興教，首立太學，尤予後世以至深影響。倘非此舉，儒傢學說何以成“教”？倘非此舉，華夏文明何以存續？倘非此舉，學而優則仕何以體現？
然而，後世不乏對《天人三策》，對“獨尊儒術”深惡痛絶者，他們的批評並非毫無道理。
儒傢對中國政治：以人為本，民為重，君為輕，社稷次之。水可載舟，亦可覆舟。“獨尊儒術”讓人們都懂得禮義教化，精忠報國等一個臣子應該做的事。儒傢對人才素質：窮則獨善其身，達則兼濟天下。儒傢把“道德”作為衡量一個人的品質，將“從政”作為實現人生價值的一種途徑。漢武帝時代，對應內在的儒傢統治思想，就是中央集權體製。秦始皇首創了中央集權的政治體製；但是，秦朝短命，未能設計一整套執政方針。西漢王朝，到了漢武帝，徹底肅清了諸侯王分裂勢力，鞏固了中央政權。
對此，司馬遷擊節稱道！《淮南衡山列傳》中，太史公曰：
淮南衡山，親為骨肉，疆土千裏，列為諸侯。不務遵蕃臣職以承輔天子，而專挾邪僻之計謀為畔逆，仍父子再亡國，各不終其身，為天下笑。
秦行郡縣，不王不藩，是真正社會政治學意義上的封建體製。劉邦建漢，首封異姓諸王，後封同姓諸王。從政治體製的發展着眼，無疑是一種社會的倒退。繼而，呂後大封諸呂，終釀禍亂。因此，直到景帝朝，乃有吳楚七國之亂。漢武帝上接秦始皇，行郡縣以推行國傢政令，此後兩漢四百年，雖有外戚、黨錮之禍，但無藩鎮之患。
不僅如此，漢武帝在強化中央集權上多方探索，利用酷吏打擊權貴即其大手筆之一。
打擊不法豪強與貪官污吏，勢在必行。但是，酷吏政治走到極端，難免會帶來各種後遺癥。
司馬遷對此直言不諱：其好殺伐行威不愛人如此，天子聞之，以為能，遷為中尉。
漢武帝稱贊這樣的殺人魔王，提拔他擔任中尉，賜予更多的生殺大權。慘遭宮刑、深受酷吏之苦的司馬遷，能不有非議嗎？
【毀譽參半】
漢武帝是第一個用“罪己詔”進行自我批評的皇帝。
徵和四年（前89年），漢武帝嚮天下人昭告：自己給百姓造成了痛苦，從此不再窮兵黷武、勞民傷財，甚至表白內心悔意。這就是《輪臺罪己詔》。這份詔書，是中國歷史上第一份帝王罪己詔。
敢於罪己，置自己過失於天下輿論中心，漢武帝無疑是第一人！至此，後代皇帝犯了大錯，也會下“罪己詔”，公開認錯，展示明君姿態。
直言敢諫的汲黯曾批評漢武帝：皇上殺人太多，即使平日信任的人，也不予寬恕，這樣搞下去，天下人才早晚都會被殺光。漢武帝不為所動，漠然一笑：何世無纔，衹是人主沒有識得人才的慧眼，如果能夠辨明人才，何必擔心天下無纔？（上招延士大夫，常如不足。然性嚴峻，群臣雖素所愛信者，或小有犯法，或欺罔，輒按誅之，無所寬假。汲黯諫曰：陛下求賢甚勞，未盡其用，輒已殺之。以有限之士，恣無已之誅，臣恐天下賢才將盡，陛下誰與共為治乎？黯言之甚怒。上笑而諭之曰：何世無纔？患人不能識之耳。苟能識之，何患無人？夫所謂纔者，猶有用之器也，有纔而不肯盡用。與無纔同，不殺何施？）
就是這樣一位視人才如草芥的漢武帝，一方面又極端地愛纔、惜纔。
封建專製體製下，人才使用有兩大陋習：一是任人唯親，衹用自己熟悉親信的人；二是論資排輩，必須按“三十九級臺階”，一級一級往上爬，不能“亂”了規矩。而漢武帝一不會因言廢人：衹要有才華，主父偃持不同政見，漢武帝照樣求賢若渴；二是敢於破格提拔：因為有能力，衛青傢奴出身，漢武帝竟然破格提拔。
不僅如此，漢武帝甚至擯棄正統，容納異類，慧眼發現東方朔，將莊嚴的朝堂變成一個充滿溫情和快樂的休息室，君臣之間宛如玩伴；同時，他不以狎褻而喪失原則，對東方朔的諍言擊節贊嘆，言聽計從。
他初讀《子虛賦》，即大為傾慕；得見作者司馬相如，如獲至寶，讓他享受與自己同等的寫作待遇。能識人、能容人、能用人，漢武帝千古無二。秦始皇、漢高祖視文人為腐儒，唐太宗、清高宗或能知人，終究雅量闕如。
而他生平中的一個錯誤，就是閹割了中國歷史上最偉大的史傢——司馬遷。漢武帝因此備受誤解和爭議。
司馬遷在《史記》中對他褒有貶，班固的《漢書·武帝紀》對他的文治大加贊揚：
班固贊曰：孝武初立，卓然罷黜百傢，表章六經，遂疇咨海內，舉其俊茂，與之立功。興太學，修郊祀，改正朔，定歷數，協音律，作詩樂，建封禪，禮百神，紹周後，號令文章，煥然可述，後嗣得遵洪業，而有三代之風。如武帝之雄材大略，不改文景之恭儉以濟斯民，雖詩書所稱，何有加焉。
班固絶口不提漢武帝的武功，表明對漢武帝的武功是有保留的。
到了司馬光的《資治通鑒》，也是表揚、批評兼而有之：
臣光曰：孝武窮奢極欲，繁刑重斂，內侈宮室，外事四夷。信惑神怪，巡遊無度。使百姓疲敝起為盜賊，其所以異於秦始皇者無幾矣。然秦以之亡，漢以之興者，孝武能尊先王之道，知所統守，受忠直之言。惡人欺蔽，好賢不倦，誅賞嚴明。晚而改過，顧托得人。此其所以有亡秦之失而免亡秦之禍乎？
為什麽人們對漢武帝的評價分歧如此之大呢？
首先，漢武帝是一個非常多面的人。他是一個政治傢，非常有政治頭腦；但又是一個普通人，喜怒哀樂俱備。他是一位明君，深知自己的歷史責任；但他又是一位暴君，殺伐任性；他既立下蓋世之功，又給天下蒼生帶來巨大災難；他寵愛他喜歡的女人，可是，他不僅移情別戀，還為了江山，殺掉了自己最寵幸的女人。他絶頂聰明，又異常糊塗；為了傳說中的寶馬，居然不惜犧牲數萬人的生命。當更近地走近他時，我們會發現，在這些對立的角色中，他不是簡單地非此即彼。兩難之地，非常之時，他也會猶豫不定，甚至異常痛苦；同樣有普通人的歡喜和哀愁、小氣和算計、失眠和焦慮。在平常人眼裏他果决、自信、雄纔大略。然而，我們在對他蓋棺論定時，往往流於偏激，說好時千古一人；說壞時罄竹難書。這樣，分歧就在所難免了。
我們無法使用單一的標準評價任何人。人性本就復雜，更何況封建帝王！或許他的好發自本心，也可能是籠絡人心的手段；或許他的壞是皇權使然，不得已而為之，也可能是天性如此，薄情寡恩。因此，既然我們無法剝離他身上的帝王枷鎖，我們的評價，就衹能在他的帝王與凡人兩種身份之間遊移。當年天真無邪的“彘兒”，如何蛻變成一個既可愛又可怕的皇帝？怎麽可能一言蔽之、一書盡之？
正所謂：
天風浩蕩，瀚海闌幹，金戈鐵馬，萬死千傷，俱往矣；
長城巍然，絲路悠長，大賦煌煌，美人凄涼，俱往矣；
唇槍舌劍，縱橫捭闔，君臣相傾，千秋傢國，俱往矣；
威加四海，功震八荒，千載以往，意氣飛揚，俱往矣。
唯有孤星冷月，晨鐘暮鼓，青燈黃捲，村社戲場，在年年評說，歲歲興嘆。
【漢武帝25項歷史性首創】
1、漢武帝是第一位使用年號的皇帝，於公元前113年創建了年號，先是六年一個年號（前140—前104），後來四年一個年號（前104—前87）。
2、漢武帝是第一位在統一的國傢製定、頒布太初歷的皇帝，以正月為歲首這一點，一直用到現在。
3、漢武帝時期寫出了我國第一部紀傳體的史書《史記》，對後世的史學産生了巨大影響。
4、漢武帝時期出現了秦統一後我國見於史籍記載的《輿地圖》，元狩四年四月丙申，“太僕臣公孫賀行御史大夫事……奏輿地圖，請所立國名。”《漢書·武帝紀》載元鼎六年秋“遣浮沮將軍公孫賀出九原”，註引臣王贊曰：“ 浮沮，井名，在匈奴中，去九原二千裏，見漢輿地圖。”據顔師古說，臣王贊生活的時代“在晉初”。這說明漢代的輿地圖晉初臣王贊還見過。這也說明漢代已明確出現了關於國傢的地域概念。這對後世自然地理研究有不可忽視的影響。
5、舉賢良方正直言極諫之士對策，武帝親自策問，選拔人材做官。就是所謂的察舉徵召制度。
6、漢武帝獨尊儒術，以儒傢思想作為國傢的統治思想始於此。
7、元朔五年為五經博士置弟子五十人，復其身；地方郡國可按一定條件選送一些人，可受業如弟子。經考試，能通一藝以上，可用作官吏。從國立太學生中選拔官吏始於此。
8、漢武帝在獨尊儒術時，又“悉延(引)百端之學”，形成了在以儒傢思想為統治思想的同時，又兼用百傢的格局。這點對後世也影響巨大。
9、元封二年(前109年)，漢武帝親臨現場督察堵塞黃河瓠子决口。自秦朝統一後，皇帝親臨現場治理黃河，這是第一次。
10、漢武帝時推廣耬車(土法播種機)下種，此後這一方法在中國用了兩千多年。
11、漢武帝派張騫通西域，打通了絲綢之路，促進了中、西雙方的經濟、文化交流。這在中國史上屬首次。
12、漢武帝元封六年(前105年)以宗世女細君為公主嫁烏孫和親。這是中國歷史上首次與西域國傢和親。
13、在輪臺、渠犁屯田，並置使者、校尉。這是中國歷史上首次在今中國新疆地區屯田。
14、漢武帝時用井渠法作竜首渠，後傳入今中國新疆地區，並進而入波斯等地。
15、從西域引進葡萄、苜蓿種植，從大宛引進了良種馬———天馬，西域的樂麯、魔術傳至中國，中國的鑄鐵技術、絲織品、丼渠法、漆器傳至大宛等地。
16、漢武帝外施仁義，實行德治；同時又重視法治，用嚴刑峻法治理國傢。這在歷史上也是首次。
17、元封五年(前106年)，為加強對諸侯王和地方高官的監察，置十三州部刺史，令六百石級別的刺史督察二千石級別的郡國守相。
18、為加強皇權，改革丞相制度，設立中朝(內朝)，對後來的丞相制度演變發生了重大影響。
19、元鼎二年(前115年)禁郡國鑄錢，專令國傢所屬上林三官鑄錢，非三官錢不得流通，郡國以前所鑄錢皆廢銷。對後世影響重大。
20、漢武帝通過大量移民在西北邊郡屯田，這對反擊匈奴戰爭的勝利、經營西域起了重大作用。對後世也有重大影響，曹操在《置屯田令》中曾說“孝武以屯田定西域，此先代之良式也”，就說明了這一點。
21、漢武帝時任用官吏是多元化的。二千石以上官吏可通過任子制度使子孫當官；有錢人可通過“ 貲選”當官；先賢的後裔可以受照顧，如賈誼的兩個兒子就被關照當了郡守。然而，尤為突出的是武帝用人惟纔是舉、不拘一格。如皇后衛子夫是從奴婢中選拔出來的。衛青、霍去病分別是從奴僕和奴産子中選拔出來的。而丞相公孫弘、御史大夫兒寬，以及嚴助、朱買臣等人都是從貧苦平民中選拔上來的；御史大夫張湯、杜周和廷尉趙禹則是從小吏中選拔出來的。尤其值得註意的是漢武帝任用的一些將軍是越人、匈奴人。而金日磾（音:jin'mi'di）這樣一位匈奴的俘虜在宮中養馬的奴隸，竟然與霍光、上官桀一齊被選拔為托孤的重臣。這些情況說明漢武帝選拔人才是不受階級出身與民族差別限製的。然而，這不是說漢武帝用人沒有標準，標準還是有的，標準就是“博開藝能之路，悉延百端之學”，“州郡察吏民有茂材異者，可為將相及使絶國者”。這就是說，衹要願為漢朝事業奮鬥，有藝能、有才幹的人，能為將相和可以出使遙遠國度的人都可任用。一句話，用人的標準是惟纔是舉。正因如此，漢武帝時人才濟濟。班固就驚嘆地說：“漢之得人，於此為盛!”這種現象的出現是值得認真研究的。
22、漢武帝是中國歷史上第一位派大軍深入匈奴腹地進行决戰的皇帝。
23、漢武帝是中國歷史上第一位提出要北方遊牧民族———匈奴臣服於中原王朝的皇帝，為此又在今內蒙築受降城。武帝生前雖未達此目的，但在宣、元時期，匈奴歸服漢朝為藩臣。
24、李廣利伐大宛後，西域南道諸國多臣服於漢，宣帝神爵二年(前60年)，匈奴日逐王降漢，匈奴不敢爭西域，罷僮僕都尉。宣帝任命鄭吉為西域督護，管理西域南、北道諸國，西域諸國臣服於漢。至此，西邊直達裏海，都成為了漢朝的疆域，這在中國歷史上是首次。
25、漢武帝平定南越後，首次在今海南島置儋耳郡、珠崖郡，統治了今天的海南島與南海諸島的地區。
【武帝男寵】
史記捲百二十五·佞幸列傳第六十五
今天子中寵臣，士人則韓王孫嫣，宦者則李延年。嫣者，弓高侯孽孫也。今上為膠東王時，嫣與上學書相愛。及上為太子，愈益親嫣。嫣善騎射，善佞。上即位，欲事伐匈奴，而嫣先習鬍兵，以故益尊貴，官至上大夫，賞賜擬於鄧通。時嫣常與上臥起。江都王入朝，有詔得從入獵上林中。天子車駕蹕道未行，而先使嫣乘副車，從數十百騎，騖馳視獸。江都王望見，以為天子，闢從者，伏謁道傍。嫣驅不見。既過，江都王怒，為皇太後泣曰：「請得歸國入宿衛，比韓嫣。」太後由此嗛嫣。嫣侍上，出入永巷不禁，以姦聞皇太後。皇太後怒，使使賜嫣死。上為謝，終不能得，嫣遂死。而案道侯韓說，其弟也，亦佞幸。
李延年，中山人也。父母及身兄弟及女，皆故倡也。延年坐法腐，給事狗中。而平陽公主言延年女弟善舞，上見，心說之，及入永巷，而召貴延年。延年善歌，為變新聲，而上方興天地祠，欲造樂詩歌弦之。延年善承意，弦次初詩。其女弟亦幸，有子男。延年佩二千石印，號協聲律。與上臥起，甚貴幸，埒如韓嫣也。久之，寖與中人亂，出入驕恣。及其女弟李夫人卒後，愛弛，則禽誅延年昆弟也。
自是之後，內寵嬖臣大底外戚之傢，然不足數也。衛青、霍去病亦以外戚貴幸，然頗用材能自進。
《史記·佞幸列傳》這一章集中介紹了以色侍君的男人（“諺曰「力田不如逢年，善仕不如遇合」，固無虛言。非獨女以色媚，而士宦亦有之”）。根據以上描述，劉徹還是一位雙性戀者。明確記載於史書上的男寵有韓嫣、李延年、韓說，以及為武帝弄兒的金日磾之子。這一章節雖然列出了衛青、霍去病，但是司馬遷也承認雖然一開始衛青、霍去病是因為裙帶關係受到寵信的，不過他們憑藉自己的才能建功立業，成了漢朝的名將，與前者是不同的。
【漢武帝生年考】
根據《史記.外戚列傳》記載：男方在身時，王美人夢日入其懷。以告太子，太子曰：“此貴徵也。”未生而孝文帝崩，孝景帝即位，王夫人生男。即武帝也。孝景帝即位是公元前157年7月14日，所以漢武帝生於公元前157年，崩於公元前87年3月29日，享年70歲
【金屋藏嬌】
【解釋】嬌：原指漢武帝劉徹的表姐陳阿嬌。漢武帝幼小時喜愛阿嬌，並說要讓她住在金屋裏。指以華麗的房屋讓所愛的妻妾居住。也指取妾。
【出處】漢·班固《漢武故事》：“若得阿嬌作婦，當作金屋貯之也。”
【典故】
·陳阿嬌與漢武帝的政治色彩
在漢武帝時代，陳阿嬌（陳皇后）實際上是一個歷史悲劇人物。
其實陳皇后的悲劇遭遇還有政治的因素。當初武帝被立為太子，靠的是其姑母長公主劉嫖。條件是劉徹娶長公主獨女陳阿嬌為妻。長公主自恃擁立皇帝有功，而武帝深患之。而陳皇后也極為驕悍，於是劉徹疏遠阿嬌。而劉徹的母親王太後立即警告他說：你新即皇位，大臣未服。先為改製，太皇太後已怒。現“又忤怒長公主，必重得罪，宜深慎之！”所謂“大臣未服”，即指公卿權貴中反對劉徹的暗流。所謂“必重得罪”，就是皇帝要當不成了。武帝此時還沒有力量和竇氏較量，在他任命的重臣趙綰提出竇氏不應再干涉朝政時，惹惱了竇氏。竇氏逼迫武帝廢除了剛剛實行的一係列的改革措施，自己任命的丞相和太尉也被迫罷免，有的大臣被逼死獄中。而劉徹是極其聰明之人，馬上轉而恩禮長公主、陳皇后。從建元二年至建元六年間，他四處遊浪射獵，不再過問大政方針。由於長公主的保護與劉徹的韜光養晦，纔使他的帝位得以保全。
【廟號謚號】
廟號“世宗”，謚號“孝武”，葬“茂陵”（前139—前87年間修建）。
【後人評價】
班固（32—92）
漢承百王之弊，高祖撥亂反正，文、景務在養民，至於稽古禮文之事，猶多闕焉。孝武初立，卓然罷黜百傢，表章《六經》。遂畤咨海內，舉其俊茂，與之立功。興太學，修郊祀，改正朔，定歷數，協音律，作詩樂，建封礻亶，禮百神，紹周後，號令文章，煥焉可述。後嗣得遵洪業，而有三代之風。如武帝之雄材大略，不改文、景之恭儉以濟斯民，雖《詩》、《書》所稱，何有加焉！
——《漢書·武帝紀》
司馬貞
孝武纂極，四海承平。志尚奢麗，尤敬神明。壇開八道，接通五城。朝親五利，夕拜文成。祭非祀典，巡乖卜徵。登嵩勒岱，望景傳聲。迎年祀日，改歷定正。疲秏中土，事彼邊兵。日不暇給，人無聊生。俯觀嬴政，幾欲齊衡。
——《史記索隱》
石劍（1995年5月20日—，江蘇省南京市雨花臺區梅山街道人）
歷史學家對漢武帝感情復雜。一方面他被公認為打擊了匈奴並大大擴張了中國版圖的皇帝，在他的統治時期中國疆土擴大了兩倍，大部分他新納入版圖的領土都成為中國固有疆域的永久組成部分。他締造的帝國超過了同時期的羅馬帝國並領先於整個世界，無論在經濟方面還是軍事方面。他更大的成就是促進了儒學，儒學成為中國占統治地位的學說直到1912年君主製被推翻。另一方面，許多歷史批評傢指責他的奢侈、迷信和他加在人民身上的沉重政治負擔。他經常被人與秦始皇相提並論，世人將之合稱為“秦皇漢武”。他的確和秦始皇一樣，他用嚴厲的刑罰係統統治整個國傢，卻又是一個富傳奇性色彩的人物。
He ordered the first census in recorded history of China to take place in his reign.
While establishing an autocratic and centralized state, Emperor Wu adopted the principles of Confucianism as the state philosophy and code of ethics for his empire and started a school to teach future administrators the Confucian classics. These reforms would have an enduring effect throughout the existence of imperial China and an enormous influence on neighboring civilizations. Emperor Wu's reign lasted 54 years — a record that would not be broken until the reign of the Kangxi Emperor more than 1800 years later.
Background, birth, and years as crown prince
Emperor Wu was the tenth child of Emperor Jing, and was born to one of Emperor Jing's favorite concubines, Consort Wang Zhi in 156 BC. His mother had initially been married once, to a commoner called Jin Wangsun (金王孫) and had a daughter from that marriage. However, her mother Zang Er (臧兒) (a granddaughter of one-time Prince of Yan, Zang Tu (臧荼), under Emperor Gao) was told by a fortuneteller that both Wang Zhi and her sister would one day become extremely honored. Zang got the idea to offer them to Crown Prince Liu Qi (later Emperor Jing) and forcibly divorced Wang Zhi from her husband in the process. A son was born shortly after Prince Qi succeeded the throne from his deceased father Emperor Wen.
When Consort Wang was pregnant, she claimed that she dreamed of a sun falling into her womb. It was also said that Emperor Jing dreamed of a crimson boar descending from the cloud into the palace. The young, newly born prince was therefore named Liu Zhi (劉彘), with Zhi literally meaning "boar", but also implying the dragon — a mystical sign of nobility and fortune. In 153 BC, Prince Zhi was made the Prince of Jiaodong.
As Emperor Jing's formal wife Empress Bo had no children, his oldest son Liu Rong (劉榮), born to his another favorite concubine Consort Li (栗姬), was created crown prince in 153 BC. Consort Li was arrogant and easily jealous, and she hoped to become empress after Empress Bo was deposed in 151 BC. However, her lack of tact and bad personality would give Consort Wang a break. When Consort Li, out of a grudge to Emperor Jing's sister Princess Piao (劉嫖), refused to let her son marry Princess Piao's daughter Chen Jiao, Consort Wang took the opportunity and had Chen Jiao betrothed to Prince Zhi. Princess Piao then began incessantly criticize Consort Li for her jealousy — pointing out that if Consort Li became empress dowager, many concubines might suffer the fates of Consort Qi, Emperor Gao's favorite concubine who was tortured, mutilated and killed by Emperor Gao's wife Empress Dowager Lü (呂后) after Emperor Gao's death. Emperor Jing was shocked upon the suggestion, and decided that such risk must be prevented. He deposed Prince Rong from the successor position in 150 BC. Consort Li, enraged and humiliated with the turn of event, died very soon after. Prince Rong later was charged with committing misconducts, and committed suicide in custody.
That year, Consort Wang was created empress, and Prince Zhi became the crown prince, with his name changed to Liu Che. Given his young age, there was not much record of any accomplishments by him while being the Crown Prince. When Emperor Jing died in 141 BC, Crown Prince Che succeeded to the throne as Emperor Wu at age 15.
Early reign: the young years
After Emperor Wu ascended the throne, his grandmother Empress Dowager Dou became the Grand Empress Dowager, and his mother Empress Wang became the Empress Dowager. He made his wife (and cousin, with Empress Chen being the daughter of his aunt) Chen Jiao empress.
In 140 BC, Emperor Ju of Szak conducted an imperial examination of over 100 young scholars recommended by officials, most of them commoners with no noble background. This event would prove to have a major impact on Chinese history, as it was the official start of the establishment of Confucianism as official imperial doctrine. This came about because a young Confucian scholar, Dong Zhongshu, was evaluated to have submitted the best essay, in which he advocated the establishment of Confucianism. It is unclear whether Emperor Wu, in his young age, actually determined this, or whether this was the result of machinations of the prime minister Wei Wan (衛綰), who was himself a Confucian. However, the fact that several other young scholars who scored highly on the examination (but interestingly enough, not Dong) later became trusted advisors for Emperor Wu would appear to suggest that Emperor Wu himself at least had some actual participation.
The first few years of Emperor Wu's reign saw the administration dominated by three figures — his grandmother Grand Empress Dowager Dou, his mother Empress Dowager Wang, and her half-brother Tian Fen (田蚡), who was created Marquess of Wu'an and made the commander of the armed forces after Emperor Wu became emperor. However, even during these years, Emperor Wu found chances to assert himself at times but found himself occasionally curbed by them. For example, in 139 BC, when Confucian officials Zhao Wan (趙綰) and Wang Zang (王臧), who were disliked by the grand empress dowager because she was an adherent to Taoism rather than Confucianism, advised the emperor to no longer consult the grand empress dowager, she had them tried for corruption, and resulting them committing suicide in prison. Emperor Wu was forced to submit to his grandmother, with his throne under jeopardy for years, sustained only by mediation through his aunt/mother-in-law, Princess Piao.
However, Emperor Wu was far from giving up. Disappointed totally over the lack of foresight displayed by older, conservative generations of nobles, he decided to create his own thinktanks. He was constantly on the look out for young, capable officials around his age, whose suggestions for governing the state that he agreed with, and he took them into a close circle and promoted them out of normal seniority rotations. Unlike some other emperors in history who carried out these techniques, he was also not hesitant to remind these advisors that he was their overlord — including punishing them severely or even executing them if they were found to have been corrupt or have hidden petty, ugly secrets from him. On the other hand, he respected those officials who did not flatter him and would honestly rebuke him when they saw fit, the most famous of whom was Ji An (汲黯), whose offensive and brutal comments often gave Emperor Wu fears of staying in front of him, but he respected Ji's integrity sincerely. He also showed typical young male rebelliousness at times, often sneaking out of the capital disguised as an ordinary marquess, for hunting and sightseeing.
Emperor Wu's marriage to Empress Chen was initially a happy one — so much so that he once boasted to her mother, Princess Piao, that he would build a golden house for Empress Chen. (This led to the Chinese idiom "putting Jiao in a golden house" (金屋藏嬌), which, however, became a term for keeping a mistress rather than a wife.) However, this did not last, at least partly because Empress Chen never bore him a son, even after she was treated by physicians. Later, while visiting his sister Princess Pingyang, he was entertained by a female singer/dancer Wei Zifu, the daughter of one of the princess' lowly lady servants, and Princess Pingyang offered Wei to become one of Emperor Wu's consorts. She became his favorite. Empress Chen was so jealous that she attempted suicide several times, but each time she failed; each attempt made Emperor Wu more angry at her. Princess Piao, in order to avenge her daughter, tried to have Consort Wei's brother Wei Qing kidnapped and secretly executed, but Wei Qing was saved just in time by his friends. Emperor Wu promoted both Consort Wei and Wei Qing in front of the Empress and her mother, initially out of protest, but later he discovered qualities in Wei Qing and made him one of his closest attendants, and later a general.
In 135 BC, after Grand Empress Dowager Dou died, Emperor Wu began to assert himself even more. While Empress Dowager Wang and Tian Fen were still influential, they found that they no longer had as much control over the emperor as they formerly did.
Around the same time, Emperor Wu started to show will and aptitude for territorial expansion. The first example came in 138 BC, when Minyue (modern Fujian) attacked Donghai (modern Zhejiang) and Donghai sought help from Han, Emperor Wu acted quickly to try to relieve Donghai, over Tian's opposition. Upon hearing news of Han's expedition force being dispatched, Minyue withdrew. Fearful of another Minyue attack, Luo Wang (駱望), the King of Donghai, purportedly requested that his people be allowed to relocate into China proper, and Emperor Wu relocated them to the region between the Yangtze and Huai Rivers. In 135 BC, when Minyue attacked Nanyue, Nanyue also sought assistance from Han even though it probably had enough strength to defend itself — a sign of submission to the emperor's authority. Emperor Wu was greatly pleased by this gesture, and he dispatched an expedition force to attack Minyue, over the objection of one of his key advisors, Liu An, a royal relative and the Prince of Huainan. Minyue nobles, fearful of the massive Chinese force, assassinated their king Luo Ying (駱郢) and sought peace. In a stroke of genius, Emperor Wu imposed a dual-monarchy system on Minyue by creating kings out of Luo Ying's brother Luo Yushan (駱餘善) and grandson Luo Chou (駱丑), thus ensuring internal discord in Minyue. As to Xiongnu, he maintained heqin for sometime.
Maturity in reign and territorial expansion
The peace with Xiongnu would not last, however, because Emperor Wu was not satisfied with what he saw as appeasement of the Xiongnu. In 133 BC, at the suggestion of Wang Hui (王恢), the minister of vassal affairs, he had his generals set a trap for the Xiongnu Chanyu Junchen (軍臣). Under the plan, a power local gentleman, Nie Yi (聶壹) from Mayi (馬邑, in modern Shuozhou, Shanxi) falsely claimed to offer Mayi to Xiongnu after killing the county magistrate to try to entice Chanyu Junchen into advancing on Mayi, while Han forces hid around Mayi to be ready to surprise the chanyu. The plan failed when a soldier captured by Xiongnu disclosed the entire plan to Chanyu Junchen, who then withdrew quickly before the Han forces could ambush him. This ended the peace between Han and Xiongnu, and for years there were continued border skirmishes even though, oddly, the states remained trade partners.
Emperor Wu dispatching Zhang Qian to Central Asia from 138 to 126 BCE, Mogao Caves mural, 618-712 CE.Another major battle was pitched in 129 BC when Xiongnu attacked the Commandery of Shanggu (上谷, roughly modern Zhangjiakou, Hebei), Emperor Wu dispatched four generals, Li Guang, Gongsun Ao (公孫敖), Gongsun He (公孫賀) and Wei Qing, each leading a 10,000-strong cavalry against Xiongnu. Both Li Guang and Gongsun Ao suffered major losses at Xiongnu's hands, and Gongsun He failed to find and engage the enemy, but Wei Qing distinguished himself with a long-distance raid on a Xiongnu holy site and was promoted to a larger command. In 127 BC, a force commanded by Wei defeated a substantial Xiongnu force and allowed Han to occupy the Shuofang (朔方) region (modern western central Inner Mongolia centering Ordos), the region was immediately settled with 100,000 Chinese colonists. The city of Shuofang (朔方) was built, and would later become a key post from which offensives against Xiongnu would be launched. When Xiongnu tried to attack Shuofang in 124 BC, Wei surprised them by attacking them from the rear and took about 15,000 captives — and at this battle, his nephew Huo Qubing (霍去病) distinguished himself in battle and was given his own command. In 121 BC, Huo had a major victory over the Xiongnu Princes of Hunxie (渾邪王) and Xiutu (休屠王) — which had unforeseen good results for Han. When Chanyu Yizhixie (伊稚邪) heard of the loss, he wanted to punish those princes harshly. The Prince of Hunxie, fearful of such punishment, after being unable to persuade the Prince of Xiutu, killed the Prince of Xiutu and surrendered his forces, which then controlled the Gansu region, to Han, and this turned out to be a major blow to Xiongnu, robbing Xiongnu of a major grazing region and other natural resources. Emperor Wu established five commanderies over the region and encouraged Chinese to relocate to the Gansu region, which has remained in Chinese hands ever since. The region would also become important staging grounds for the subjugation of Xiyu (西域, modern Xinjiang and former Soviet central Asia).
The exploration into Xiyu was first started in 139 BC, that Emperor Wu commissioned Zhang Qian to seek out the Kingdom of Yuezhi, which had been expelled by Xiongnu from the modern Gansu region, to entice it to return to its ancestral lands with promises of Han military assistance, in order to fight against Xiongnu together. Zhang was immediately captured by Xiongnu once he ventured into the desert, but was able to escape around 129 BC and eventually made it to Yuezhi, which by then had relocated to Samarkand. While Yuezhi refused to return, it and several other kingdoms in the area, including Dayuan (Kokand) and Kangju, established diplomatic relationships with Han. Zhang was able to deliver his report to Emperor Wu when he arrived back in the capital Chang'an in 126 BC after a second and shorter captivity by Xiongnu. After the Prince of Hunxie surrendered the Gansu region, the path to Xiyu became clear, and regular embassies between Han and the Xiyu kingdoms commenced.
Han Wudi sent ambassadors to the Dian Kingdom in Yunnan. Bronze sculpture depicting Dian people, 3rd century BCE.Another expansion plan, this one aimed at the southwest, was soon initiated as well. The impetus for this expansion was aimed at eventual conquest of Nanyue, which was viewed as an unreliable vassal, by first obtaining the submission the southwestern tribal kingdoms — the largest of which was Yelang (modern Zunyi, Guizhou) — so that a route for a potential back-stabbing attack on Nanyue could be made. The Han ambassador Tang Meng (唐蒙) was able to secure the submission of these tribal kingdoms by giving their kings gifts, and Emperor Wu established the Commandery of Jianwei (犍為, headquarters in modern Yibin, Sichuan) to govern over the tribes, but eventually abandoned it after being unable to cope with native revolts. Later, after Zhang Qian returned from the western region, part of his report indicated that by going through the southwestern kingdoms, embassies could reach Shendu (India) and Anxi (Parthia) easier. Encouraged by the report, in 122 BC, Emperor Wu sent ambassadors to try to again persuade Yelang and Dian (滇, modern eastern Yunnan) into submission.
Emperor Wu also made an aborted expansion into the Korean Peninsula by establishing the Commandery of Canghai (蒼海), but abandoned it in 126 BC.
It was also during this time that Emperor Wu began to show a fascination with immortality, and he began to associate with magicians who claimed to be able to, if they could find the proper ingredients, create divine pills that would confer immortality. However, he himself punished others' use of magic severely. In 130 BC, for example, when Empress Chen was found to have retained witches to curse Consort Wei and to try to regain Emperor Wu's affections, he had her deposed and the witches executed.
In 128 BC, Consort Wei bore Emperor Wu his first-born son, Liu Ju. She was created empress later that year, and he was created crown prince in 122 BC.
In 122 BC, Liu An, the Prince of Huainan (a previously trusted advisor of Emperor Wu), and his brother Liu Ci (劉賜), the Prince of Hengshan, were accused of plotting treason. Both of them committed suicide, and their families and alleged coconspirators were executed.
Emperor Wu worshipping two statues of Golden Man (or Buddha) in 120 BC, Mogao Caves, Dunhuang, ca. 8th century CE. (However, note that there is no historical record of Emperor Wu actually being aware of Buddhism. The first confirmed contact between a Chinese emperor and Buddhist doctrines would not happen until a century later, during the reign of Emperor Ming.)In 119 BC, Emperor Wu broke the normal pattern of reacting against Xiongnu attacks, by making a major excursion against Xiongnu's headquarters. Wei and Huo's forces were able to make a direct assault on Chanyu Yizhixie's forces, nearly capturing him and annihilating his army. It was at this battle, however, that the famous general Li Guang, whose fortunes had been effectively sabotaged by Wei's strategic plan (who, as the supreme commander, had ordered Li to take a flanking route through a region without Xiongnu forces but which lacked food and water, resulting in Li's forces becoming lost and unable to join the main forces), committed suicide after being told that he would be court-martialed for his failures. Even though both Wei and Huo were successful, Emperor Wu particularly praised Huo and rewarded him with many others; it was from this point on that Huo began to receive primacy over the forces over his uncle Wei. After Xiongnu suffered these heavy losses, the Chanyu sought heqin peace with Han again, but broke off peace talks after Han made it clear that it wanted Xiongnu to become a vassal instead.
Around the same time, perhaps as a sign of what would be to come, Emperor Wu began to trust governing officials who were harsh in their punishments. For example, one of those officials, Yi Zong (義縱), when he became the governor of the Commandery of Dingxiang (part of modern Hohhot, Inner Mongolia), executed 200 prisoners even though they had not committed capital crimes — and then executed their friends who happened to be visiting as well. Emperor Wu came to believe that this would be the most effective method to maintain social order and so put these officials in power. A famous wrongful execution happened in 117 BC, the victim of which was the minister of agriculture Yan Yi (顏異). Yan had previously offended the emperor by opposing a plan to effectively extort double tributes out of princes and marquesses — by requiring them to place their tributes on white deer skin, which the central government would sell them at an exorbitantly high price. Later, Yan was falsely accused of committing a crime, and during the investigation, it became known that once, when a friend of Yan's criticized a law promulgated by the emperor, Yan, while not saying anything, moved his lips. Yan was executed for "internal defamation" of the emperor, and this caused the officials to be fearful and willing to flatter the emperor.
Further territorial expansion, old age, and paranoia
Starting about 113 BC, Emperor Wu appeared to begin to display further signs of abusing his power. He began to incessantly tour the commanderies, initially nearby Chang'an, but later extending to much farther places, worshipping the various gods on the way, perhaps again in the search of immortality. He also had a succession of magicians whom he honored with great things, even, in one case, making one a marquess and marrying a daughter to him. (That magician, Luan Da (欒大), after he was exposed to be a fraud, however, was executed.) Emperor Wu's expenditures on these tours and magical adventures put a great strain on the national treasury and caused difficulties on the locales that he visited, twice causing the governors of commanderies to commit suicide after they were unable to supply the emperor's entire train.
In 112 BC, a crisis in the Kingdom of Nanyue (modern Guangdong, Guangxi, and northern Vietnam) would erupt that would lead to military intervention by Emperor Wu. At that time, the King Zhao Xing (趙興) and his mother Queen Dowager Jiu (樛太后) — a Chinese woman whom Zhao Xing's father Zhao Yingqi (趙嬰齊) had married while he served as an ambassador to Han — were both in favor of becoming incorporated into Han. This was opposed by the senior prime minister Lü Jia (呂嘉), who wanted to maintain the kingdom's independence. Queen Dowager Jiu tried to goad the Chinese ambassadors into killing Lü, but the Chinese ambassadors were hesitant to do so. When Emperor Wu sent a 2,000-men force, led by Han Qianqiu (韓千秋) and Queen Dowager Jiu's brother Jiu Le (樛樂), to try to assist the king and the queen dowager, Lü staged a coup d'etat and had the king and the queen dowager killed. He made another son of Zhao Yingqi, Zhao Jiande (趙建德), king. He then annihilated the Han forces under Han and Jiu. Several months later, Emperor Wu commissioned a five-pronged attack against Nanyue. In 111 BC, the Han forces captured the Nanyue capital Panyu (番禺, modern Guangzhou) and annexed the entire Nanyue territory into Han, establishing nine commanderies.
Later that year, one of the co-kings of Minyue (modern Fujian), Luo Yushan, fearful that Han would next attack his kingdom, made a preemptive attack against Han, capturing a number of towns in the former Nanyue and in the other border commanderies. In 110 BC, under Han military pressure, his co-king Luo Jugu (駱居古) assassinated Luo Yushan and surrendered the kingdom to Han. However, Emperor Wu did not establish commanderies in Minyue's former territory, but moved its people to the region between Yangtze and Huai Rivers.
Later that year, Emperor Wu, at great expense, carried out the ancient ceremony of fengshan (封禪) at Mount Tai — ceremonies to worship heaven and earth, and to offer a secret petition to the gods of heaven and earth, presumably seeking immortality. (He decreed that he would return to Mount Tai every five years to repeat the ceremony, but only did once, in 98 BC; still, many palaces were built for him and the princes to accommodate the anticipated cycles of the ceremony.)
It was around this time that, in reaction to the large expenditures by Emperor Wu that had exhausted the national treasury, his agricultural minister Sang Hongyang (桑弘羊) conceived of a plan that many dynasties would repeat later, by creating national monopolies for salt and iron. The national treasury would further purchase other consumer goods when the prices were low and sell them when the prices were high at profit, thus replenishing the treasury while at the same time making sure the price fluctuation would not be too great.
In 109 BC, Emperor Wu would start yet another territorial expansion campaign. Nearly a century ago, a Chinese general Wei Man had established a kingdom, which he named Chaoxian or Joseon at Wangxian (王險, modern Pyongyang), which became a nominal Han vassal. A conflict would erupt in 109 BC, when Wei Man's grandson Wei Youqu (衛右渠, 위우거) refused to permit Jin's ambassadors to reach China through his territories. When Emperor Wei sent an ambassador She He (涉何) to Wangxian to negotiate right of passage with King Youqu, King Youqu refused and had a general escort She back to Han territory — but when they got close to Han borders, She assassinated the general and claimed to Emperor Wu that he had defeated Joseon in battle, and Emperor Wu, unaware of his deception, made him the military commander of the Commandery of Liaodong (modern central Liaoning). King Youqu, offended, made a raid on Liaodong and killed She. In response, Emperor Wu commissioned a two-pronged attack, one by land and one by sea, against Joseon. Initially, Joseon offered to become a vassal, but peace negotiations broke down by the Chinese forces' refusal to let a Joseon force escort its crown prince to Chang'an to pay tribute to Emperor Wu. The two forces attacking Joseon were unable to coordinate well with each other and eventually suffered large losses. Eventually the commands were merged, and Wangxian fell. Han took over the Joseon lands and established four commanderies.
Also in 109 BC, Emperor Wu sent an expeditionary force against the Kingdom of Dian (modern eastern Yunnan), planning on conquering it, but when the King of Dian surrendered, Dian was incorporated into Han territory with the King of Dian being permitted to keep his traditional authority and title. Emperor Wu established five commanderies over Dian and the other nearby kingdoms.
In 108 BC, Emperor Wu sent general Zhao Ponu (趙破奴) on a campaign to Xiyu, and he forced the Kingdoms of Loulan (on northeast border of the Taklamakan Desert and Cheshi (modern Turpan, Xinjiang) into submission. In 105 BC, Emperor Wu gave a princess from a remote collateral imperial line to Kunmo (昆莫), the King of Wusun (Issyk Kol basin) in marriage, and she later married his grandson and successor Qinqu (芩娶), creating a strong and stable alliance between Han and Wusun. The various Xiyu kingdoms would also strengthen their relationships with Han, in general. An infamous Han war against the nearby Kingdom of Dayuan (Kokand) would soon erupt in 104 BC. Dayuan refused to give in to Emperor Wu's commands to surrender its best horses, Emperor Wu's ambassadors were then executed when they insulted the King of Dayuan after his refusal. Emperor Wu commissioned Li Guangli (李廣利), the brother of a favorite concubine Consort Li, as a general against Dayuan. In 103 BC, Li Guangli's army of 26,000 men (20,000 Chinese & 6,000 steppe cavalry), without adequate supplies, suffered a humiliating loss against Dayuan, but in 102 BC, Li with a new army of 60,000 men, was able to put a devastating siege on its capital by cutting off water supplies to the city, forcing Dayuan's surrender 3,000 of its prized horses. This Han victory further intimidated the Xiyu kingdoms into submission.
Emperor Wu also made attempts to try to intimidate Xiongnu into submission, but even though peace negotiations were ongoing, Xiongnu would never actually submit to becoming a Han vassal during Emperor Wu's reign. In 103 BC, indeed, Chanyu Er would surround Zhao Ponu and capture his entire army — the first major Xiongnu victory since Wei Qing and Huo Qubing nearly captured the chanyu in 119 BC. Following Han's victory over Dayuan in 102 BC, however, Xiongnu became concerned that Han could then concentrate against it, and made peace overtures, but peace negotiations would be destroyed when the Han deputy ambassador Zhang Sheng (張勝) was discovered to have conspired to assassinate Chanyu Qiedihou (且鞮侯). The ambassador, the later-famed Su Wu would be detained for two decades. In 99 BC, Emperor Wu commissioned another expedition force aimed at crushing Xiongnu, but both prongs of the expedition force would fail — Li Guangli's forces became trapped but was able to free itself and withdraw, while Li Ling (李陵), Li Guang's grandson, surrendered at the end after being surrounded and inflicting large losses on Xiongnu forces. One year later, receiving an inaccurate report that Li Ling was training Xiongnu soldiers, Emperor Wu had Li's clan executed. Li's friend, the famed historian Sima Qian (whom Emperor Wu already bore a grudge against because Sima's Shiji was not as flattering to Emperor Wu and his father Emperor Jing as Emperor Wu wanted), who tried to defend Li's actions, was castrated.
In 106 BC, in order the further better organize the territories, including both the previously-existing empire and the newly conquered territories, Emperor Wu divided the empire into 13 Regions (zhou, 州), but without governors or prefectural governments at this time — that would come later. Rather, he assigned a supervisor to each prefecture, who would visit the commanderies and principalities in the prefecture on a rotating basis to investigate corruption and disobedience with imperial edicts.
In 104 BC, Emperor Wu built the luxurious Jianzhang Palace (建章宮) — a massive structure that was intended to make him closer to the gods. He would later reside at that palace exclusively rather than the traditional Weiyang Palace (未央宮), which Xiao He had built during the reign of Emperor Gao.
About 100 BC, due to the heavy taxation and military burdens imposed by Emperor Wu's incessant military campaigns and luxury spending, there were many peasant revolts throughout the empire. Emperor Wu issued an edict that was intended at suppressing the peasant revolts, by making officials whose commanderies saw unsuppressed peasant revolts liable with their lives — but which had the exact opposite effect, since it became impossible to suppress all of the revolts, and the officials would merely cover up the existence of the revolts.
In 96 BC, a series of witchcraft persecutions would begin. Emperor Wu, who was paranoid over a nightmare of being whipped by tiny stick-wielding puppets and a sighting of a traceless assassin (possibly a hallucination), ordered extensive investigations with harsh punishments. Large numbers of people, many of whom were high officials, were accused of witchcraft and executed, usually with their entire clans. The first trial began with Empress Wei's elder brother-in-law Gongsun He (公孫賀, the Prime Minister at the time) and his son Gongsun Jingsheng (公孫敬聲, also an imperial official, but under corruption charges), quickly leading to the execution of their entire clan. Also caught in this disaster were Crown Prince Ju's two elder sisters Princess Yangshi (陽石公主, who was said to have a romantic relationship with her cousin Gongsun Jingsheng) and Princess Zhuyi (諸邑公主), as well as his cousin Wei Kang (衛伉, the eldest son of the deceased general Wei Qing), who were all accused of witchcraft and executed in 91 BC. Soon, these witchcraft persecutions would become intertwined in the succession struggles and erupt into a major catastrophe.
The Crown Prince Ju revolt
In 94 BC, Emperor Wu's youngest son Liu Fuling was born to a favorite concubine of his, Consort Zhao. Emperor Wu was ecstatic in having a child at such an advanced age (62 years old), and because Consort Zhao purportedly had a post-term pregnancy that lasted 14 months long — same as the mythical Emperor Yao — he named Consort Zhao's palace gate "Gate of Yao's mother". This led to speculations that the Emperor, due to his favor for Consort Zhao and Prince Fuling, wanted to make Liu Fuling the crown prince instead. While there was no evidence that he actually intended to do anything as such, over the next few years, there began to be conspirators against Crown Prince Ju and Empress Wei under the inspiration of such rumors.
Up to this point, there had been a cordial but somehow fragile relationship between Emperor Wu and his crown prince. Even though Emperor Wu, as he grew older, had less and less attraction to Empress Wei, he continued to respect her. Whenever Emperor Wu was outside the capital, he would leave important affairs for Crown Prince Ju to handle, and when he got back to the capital, Emperor Wu usually had no disagreements with Prince Ju's decisions and would not overrule them. However, as Emperor Wu grew older and became more trusting of harsh (sometimes corrupt) officials, Prince Ju, who favored more lenient policies, often advised his father to consider changes to the way he ran the country. This created some annoyance for Emperor Wu as he was disappointed that his son were not as ambitious as he was. Further, after Wei Qing's death in 106 BC and Gongsun He's execution, Prince Ju had no strong allies left in the government, and the officials who disagreed with his lenient attitudes began to publicly defame him and plot against him. Also around this time, Emperor Wu was becoming more and more isolated, spending time mostly with young concubines, away from his sons and Empress Wei, who were often unable to reach him.
One of the conspirators against Prince Ju would be Jiang Chong (江充), the newly appointed head of secret intelligence, who once had a run-in with Prince Ju after arresting one of Prince Ju's assistants for improper use of an imperial right of way. It appears likely that Jiang was behind many of the witchcraft accusations and persecutions against important persons in the Han court. One other conspirator was Su Wen (蘇文), a chief eunuch in charge of caring for imperial concubines. He had previously made false accusations against Prince Ju, that he joyed over the Emperor Wu's illness and committed adultery with the Emperor's junior concubines.
Jiang and Su decided on using witchcraft as the excuse to move against Prince Ju. Jiang, with approval from Emperor Wu, who was then at his summer palace in Ganquan (甘泉, in modern Xianyang, Shaanxi), searched through various palaces, ostensibly for witchcraft items, eventually reaching Prince Ju's and Empress Wei's palace. While completely trashing up the palaces with intensive digging, he secretly planted witchery dolls and pieces of cloth with mysterious writings, and then announced that he found them there during the search. Prince Ju was shocked, knowing that he was framed. He considered his options, and his teacher Shi De (石德), invoking the story of Ying Fusu and raising the possibility that Emperor Wu might already be deceased, suggested that Prince Ju start an uprising to fight the conspirators. Prince Ju initially hesitated, and wanted to speedily proceed to Ganquan Palace so he could defend himself in front of his father. When he found out that Jiang's messengers were already ahead on their way, he decided to accept Shi's suggestion.
Prince Ju then sent an individual to impersonate a messenger from Emperor Wu to lure and arrest Jiang and his coconspirators — except for Su, who escaped. After they were arrested, Prince Ju accused Jiang of sabotaging the relationship between him and his father, and killed Jiang personally. He then went to Empress Wei's palaces, and with the support of his mother, led his guards and enlisted civilians and prisoners in preparation to defend himself.
Su fled to Ganquan Palace and accused Prince Ju of treason. Emperor Wu, not believing it to be true and correctly (at this point) believing that Prince Ju had merely been angry at Jiang, sent a messenger back to Chang'an to summon Prince Ju. The messenger did not dare to proceed to Chang'an, but instead returned and gave Emperor Wu the false report that Prince Ju was conducting a coup. By now enraged, Emperor Wu ordered his nephew, Prime Minister Liu Qumao (劉屈犛), to put down the rebellion.
The two sides battled in the streets of Chang'an for five days, but Liu Qumao's forces prevailed after it became clear that Prince Ju did not have his father's authorization. Prince Ju was forced to flee the capital following the defeat, accompanied only by two of his sons and some personal guards. Apart from a grandson Liu Bingyi, who was barely a month old and thrown into prison, all other members of his family were left behind and killed, and his mother Empress Wei committed suicide when Emperor Wu sent officials to depose her. Their bodies were carelessly buried in suburban fields without proper tomb markings. Prince Ju's supporters were brutally cracked down, and civilians aiding the Crown Prince were exiled. Even Tian Ren (田仁), an official City Gatekeeper who did not stop Prince Ju's escape, and Ren An (任安), an army commander who chose not to actively participate in the crackdown, were accused of being sympathizers and executed.
Emperor Wu continued to be enraged and ordered that Prince Ju be tracked down, but after a junior official Linghu Mao (令狐茂) risked his life and spoke on Prince Ju's behalf, Emperor Wu's anger began to subside, but he had not yet issued a pardon for Prince Ju. This would later be proven to cost the Crown Prince's life.
Prince Ju fled to Hu County (湖縣, in modern Sanmenxia, Henan) and took refuge in the home of a poor peasant family. Knowing that their good-hearted hosts could never afford the daily expenditure of so many people, the Prince decided to seek help from an old friend who lived nearby. However, this move exposed their whereabouts, and was soon tracked down by local officials eager for rewards. Surrounded by troops and see no chance of escape, the Prince committed suicide by hanging. His two sons and the family housing them died with him after the government soldiers eventually broke into the yard and killed everyone. The two local officials who led the raid, Zhang Fuchang (張富昌) and Li Shou (李寿), wasted no time to take the Prince's body to Chang'an and claim rewards from Emperor Wu. Emperor Wu, although greatly saddened to hear the death of his son, had to keep his promise and rewarded the officials contributed in the crackdown.
Late reign and death
Even after Jiang Chong and Prince Ju both died, however, the witchcraft affairs would continue. One final prominent victim was the general Li Guangli, who was Consort Li's brother and had prior victories over Dayuan and Xiongnu despite causing unnecessary losses with his military incompetence. In 90 BC, while Li was assigned to a campaign against Xiongnu, a eunuch named Guo Rang (郭穰) exposed that Li and his political ally, Prime Minister Liu Qumao, conspired to use witchcraft on Emperor Wu. Liu and his family were immediately arrested and later executed, and Li's family was also under custody. Li, after knowing the news, realised that going home is no longer an option, so he used risky tactics to attempt a major victory against Xiongnu in order to build up a future standoff against Emperor Wu, but failed when some of his senior officers mutinied. On his retreat, he was ambushed by Xiongnu forces, and he defected to Xiongnu. His clan was executed by Emperor Wu not long after. Li himself later fell victim to the infighting with older Han traitors in Xiongnu, especially one named Wei Lü (衛律), who was extremely jealous of the amount of Chanyu's favor Li gained as a new, high-profile defector.
By this time, however, Emperor Wu had begun to realize that the witchcraft accusations were often false accusations, especially in relation to the Crown Prince rebellion. In 89 BC, when Tian Qianqiu (田千秋), then the superintendent of Emperor Gao's temple, wrote a report claiming that Emperor Gao told him in a dream that Prince Ju should have only been whipped at most, not killed, Emperor Wu had a revelation about what happened, and he had Su burned and Jiang's family executed. He also made Tian prime minister. However, although he claimed to miss Prince Ju greatly (he even built a palace and an altar for his deceased son as a sign of grief and regret), he did not at this time rectify the situation where Prince Ju's only surviving progeny, Liu Bingyi, languished in prison as a child.
The political scene now greatly changed. Emperor Wu publicly self-criticized and apologized to the whole nation about his past policy mistakes, a gesture known to history as the Repenting Edict of Luntai (輪台悔詔). The Prime Minister Tian he appointed was in favor of resting the troops and the people and promoting agriculture, and under his recommendation, several agricultural experts were made important members of the administration. Wars and territorial expansion generally ceased. These policies and ideals were those supported by Crown Prince Ju, and was finally realised years after he was dead.
By 88 BC, Emperor Wu was terminally ill, but with Prince Ju dead, there was no clear successor. Liu Dan, the Prince of Yan, was Emperor Wu's oldest surviving son, but Emperor Wu considered both him and his younger brother Liu Xu, the Prince of Guangling, to be unsuitable, since neither respected laws. He decided that the only one suitable was his youngest son, Liu Fuling, who was only six at that time. He therefore also chose a potential regent in Huo Guang, whom he considered to be capable and faithful, and entrusted Huo with the regency of Fuling. He also ordered the execution of Prince Fuling's mother Consort Zhao, in fear that being at her prime age she would become an uncontrollable empress dowager like the previous Empress Lü. At Huo's suggestion, he also made ethnic Xiongnu official Jin Midi and general Shangguang Jie co-regents. He died in 87 BC, shortly after creating Prince Fuling crown prince. Crown Prince Fuling then succeeded to the throne as Emperor Zhao for the next 13 years.
Because Emperor Wu did not create anyone empress after Empress Wei committed suicide, and left no instruction on who should be enshrined in his temple with him, Huo, after Emperor Wu's death, considered what his wishes would have been, chose to enshrine Consort Li with Emperor Wu. They lie buried in the Maoling mound, the most famous of the so-called Chinese pyramids.
Legacy
Historians generally treated Emperor Wu with ambivalence. On the one hand, he is recognized for neutralizing the Xiongnu threat and expanding the Chinese territory. During his reign, China roughly doubled her size, and most of the territories he annexed became part of China proper permanently. The empire that Emperor Wu created surpassed in size the contemporaneous Roman Empire, and was the greatest in the world, both militarily and economically. His other, perhaps greater, legacy was the promotion of Confucianism. For the first time in history, Confucianism became the dominant thought in the Chinese government, and it remained so until the overthrow of the monarchy in 1911.
On the other hand, many historians criticize Emperor Wu for his extravagance, superstition, and the burdens his policies forced on the population. As such he is often compared to Qin Shi Huang. Just like Qin Shi Huang he used a legalist system of rewards and punishments to govern his empire. The punishment for perceived failures and disloyalty was often exceedingly harsh. Out of the twelve prime ministers appointed by Emperor Wu, three were executed and two committed suicide while holding the post; another was executed in retirement. Castration as a way of punishment was also applied relatively frequently during Emperor Wu's reign.
Emperor Wu's political reform resulted in the strengthening of the Emperor's power at expense of the prime minister's authority. Also, the post of Shangshu (court secretaries) was elevated from merely managing documents to that of the Emperor's close advisor, and it stayed this way until the end of monarchy era.
TV and Film
Emperor Wu, one of the most famous emperors of ancient China, has made appearances in quite a lot of Chinese TV dramas, like:
Da Han Tian Zi
Han Wu Da Di
Possible Bisexuality
Early in his reign, Emperor Wu greatly favored Han Yan (韓嫣) for no apparent reason, and he gave Han much wealth (although no official position at court). This, coupled with later references by officials trying to persuade Emperor Ai against giving his male lover Dong Xian too much authority — during which those officials analogized Han's position to Dong's — has led to speculation that Emperor Wu had a homosexual relationship with Han. It is quite possible, but also hardly proven based on available evidence. It should be noted that this relationship could have led to Han's death. As part of his favors on Han, Emperor Wu permitted him to ride in imperial wagons even when he was not with Han. On one occasion, Han was riding such a wagon when Emperor Wu's brother, Liu Pengzu (劉彭祖), the Prince of Zhao, encountered the wagon and, believing that Emperor Wu was inside, prostrated himself. Later, when he found out that Han, not Emperor Wu, was inside, he was greatly humiliated and complained to Empress Dowager Wang, who then had Han executed.
Poetry
Although Emperor Wu wasn't known as a poet to many historians, he wrote many wonderful pieces. The following work is on the death of Li Fu-ren, one of his favorite concubines.
The sound of her silk skirt has stopped.
On the marble pavement dust grows.
Her empty room is cold and still.
Fallen leaves are piled against the doors.
How can I bring my aching heart to rest?
Personal information
Father
Emperor Jing of Han (10th son of)
Mother
Empress Wang Zhi
Wives:
Empress Chen Jiao, deposed 130 BC for witchcraft
Empress Wei Zifu, mother of Crown Prince Li and Princesses Wei the Eldest, Yangshi and Zhuyi
Concubines:
Consort Li Furen, mother of Prince Bo
Consort Wang, mother of Prince Hong
Consort Li Ji, mother of Princes Dan and Xu
Consort Zhao, mother of Emperor Zhao
Children
Princess Wei the Eldest (衛長公主)
Princess Yangshi (陽石公主, executed 91 BC)
Princess Zhuyi (諸邑公主, executed 91 BC)
Liu Ju (劉據), initially Crown Prince Li (戾太子, b. 128 BC, created 122 BC, committed suicide 91 BC after failed uprising)
Liu Bo (劉髆), Prince Ai of Changyi (created 97 BC, d. 86 BC)
Liu Hong (劉閎), Prince Huai of Qi (created 117 BC, d. 109 BC)
Liu Dan (劉旦), Prince La of Yan (created 117 BC, committed suicide 80 BC)
Liu Xu (劉胥), Prince Li of Guangling (created 117 BC, committed suicide 53 BC)
Liu Fuling (劉弗陵), later Emperor Zhao of Han (b. 94 BC, d. 74 BC)
Grandchildren
Liu Jin (劉進) (killed 91 BC), son to Liu Ju initially Crown Prince Li and father to Liu Bingyi, later Emperor Xuan of Han
Liu He (劉賀), Prince He of Changyi (d. 59 BC), son to Liu Bo, ascension for throne 74 BC and deposed 27 days later for committing 1127 misconducts
Great Grandchildren
Liu Bingyi (劉病已), later Emperor Xuan of Han (b. 91 BC, d. 49 BC), son to Liu Jin, son of Liu Ju (劉據), initially Crown Prince Li mommy
Era names
Jianyuan (建元 py. jiàn yuán) 140 BC-135 BC
Yuanguang (元光 py. yuán guāng) 134 BC-129 BC
Yuanshuo (元朔 py. yuán shuò) 128 BC-123 BC
Yuanshou (元狩 py. yuán shòu) 122 BC-117 BC
Yuanding (元鼎 py. yuán dĭng) 116 BC-111 BC
Yuanfeng (元封 py. yuán fēng) 110 BC-105 BC
Taichu (太初 py. tài chū) 104 BC-101 BC
Tianhan (天漢 py. tiān hàn) 100 BC-97 BC
Taishi (太始 py. tài shĭ) 96 BC-93 BC
Zhenghe (征和 py. zhēng hé) 92 BC-89 BC
Houyuan (後元 py. hòu yuán) 88 BC-87 BC
References
Zizhi Tongjian by Sima Guang, Modern Chinese Edition edited by Bo Yang (Taipei, 1982-1989).
Shi Ji by Sima Qian: Biography of Han Wudi.
Han Shu by Ban Gu: Biography of Han Wudi.
Han Ji by Xun Yue
Morton, W. Scott. China: "Its History and Culture". ISBN 0-07-043424-7.
Notes
Wikimedia Commons has media related to:
Emperor Wu of Han^ His date of birth is sometimes noted as being August 27.
^ Bo Yang's commentary in the Modern Chinese edition of Zizhi Tongjian, vol. 7, and Zhao Yi (趙翼)'s commentary included therein.
^ Zizhi Tongjian, vol. 17.
^ C. Peers, Imperial Chinese Armies: 200 BC - 589 AD, 7
^ Zizhi Tongjian, vol. 45.
^ C. Peers, Imperial Chinese Armies: 200 BC - 589 AD, 7
^ C. Peers, Imperial Chinese Armies: 200 BC - 589 AD, 8
^ C. Peers, Imperial Chinese Armies: 200 BC - 589 AD, 8
^ Zizhi Tongjian, vol. 22.
^ Zizhi Tongjian, vol. 35.
^ Morton, W. Scott. China: "Its History and Culture", 54. ISBN 0-07-043424-7.