yuèdòuyà lì xī sī · dé · tuō kè wéi 'ěr Alexis de Tocquevillezài历史大观dezuòpǐn!!! | |||
zhuànjì
tuō kè wéi 'ěr de jiā tíng shì zài nuò màn dǐ yī chù de dì zhù guì zú， dāng dì xǔ duō dì fāng dū yǐ tuō kè wéi 'ěr jiā tíng wéi míng。 zài qǔ dé fǎ lǜ de xué wèi hòu， tuō kè wéi 'ěr huò dé rèn mìng wéi fán 'ěr sài fǎ tíng de shí xí wén guān。 tā zài nà lǐ rèn shí liǎo dān rèn jiǎn chá guān de gǔ sī tǎ fū · dé · bó méng（ GustavedeBeaumont）， liǎng rén chéng wéi liǎo qīn mì de hǎo yǒu， bìng qiě zài zhī hòu hé zuò xiě xià liǎo xǔ duō zhù zuò。 zài 1831 nián liǎng rén bèi yī tóng sòng dào měi guó yǐ kǎo chá měi guó de xíng fǎ hé jiān yù zhì dù。 zài zhè tàng lǚ chéng zhōng， tā men liǎng rén xiě xià liǎo DusystèmepénitentiaireauxEtats-Unisetdesonapplication（ lùn měi guó de xíng shì zhì dù jí qí duì fǎ guó de yìng yòng ,1832）。 huí dào fǎ guó zhī hòu， tuō kè wéi 'ěr chéng wéi liǎo yī míng lǜ shī， bìng qiě jiāng tā yóu lì měi guó de jiàn wén jìzǎi chéng shū， yú 1835 nián fā biǎo liǎo zhè běn jīng diǎn de zhù zuò héng《 lùn měi guó de mín zhù》（ DeladémocratieenAmérique）。 zhè běn shū shòu dào kōng qián de hǎo píng， bù jiǔ hòu yě bèi yì wéi yīng wén， shǐ tuō kè wéi 'ěr zài měi fǎ liǎng dì dōudà wéi zhī míng。 zhè běn shū yě chéng wéi shè huì xué de zǎo qī mó xíng， shǐ tā yú 1937 nián huò dé liǎo chevalierdelaLégiond'honneur（ róng yù jūn tuán xūn zhāng） de shū róng， bìng qiě zài 1841 nián bèi xuǎn wéi fǎ lán xī xué yuàn de yuàn shì。
tuō kè wéi 'ěr xiāng dāng bǐ shì dāng shí de qī yuè wáng cháo（ 1830-1848）， yú shì zài tóng yī shí qī kāi kuà rù zhèng jiè。 tā dāng xuǎn liǎo máng shí shěng de yì yuán， bìng yī zhí dān rèn zhè gè zhí wèi dào 1851 nián wéi zhǐ。 zài yì huì lǐ， tā dà lì tì fèi chú zhù yì hé zì yóu mào yì de guān diǎn biàn hù， dàn tā tóng shí yě zhī chí lù yì · fěi lì pǔ zhèng quán duì yú 'ā 'ěr jí lì yà de zhí mín huà。 tuō kè wéi 'ěr zài 1842 nián yě dāng xuǎn wéi máng shí shěng de zǒng cān shì。
chú liǎo měi guó zhī wài， tuō kè wéi 'ěr hái céng qián wǎng yīng gé lán kǎo chá， xiě xià liǎo MemoironPauperism yī shū。 zài 1841 nián zhì 1846 nián zhī jiān tā yě yóu lì liǎo 'ā 'ěr jí lì yà， zài 'ā 'ěr jí lì yà de dì yī tàng lǚ chéng shǐ tā xiě xià liǎo Travailsurl'Algérie， zài shū zhōng tā pī píng fǎ guó de zhí mín huà mó xíng。 shēn wéi fèi chú zhù yì zhě， tā zhù zhāng yìng yǐ yīng guó de fēi zhí jiē tǒng zhì de mó xíng lái guǎn lǐ zhí mín dì， ér bù shì jiāng bù tóng de rén kǒu hùn hé zài yī qǐ。 tā shèn zhì zhù zhāng yīnggāi zài 'ōu zhōu zhí mín zhě yǔ 'ā lā bó rén zhī jiān shí xíng zhǒng zú fēn lí， ràng liǎng biān dōuyòu dú lì de lì fǎ tǐ zhì yǐ shí xíng zì zhì（ tā de zhù zhāng zài bàn shì jì hòu de 1881 nián yuán zhù mín fǎ lǐ bèi shí xíng）。
zài qī yuè wáng cháo yú 1848 nián de 2 yuè gé mìng zhōng kuǎ tái hòu， tuō kè wéi 'ěr yú tóng nián dāng xuǎn liǎo guó mín yì huì de yì yuán， tā zài yì huì lǐ cānyù liǎo dì 'èr gòng hé guó xīn xiàn fǎ de qǐ cǎo（ 1848-1851）。 tā yě zhī chí liǎng yuàn zhì yǐ jí duì gòng hé guó zǒng tǒng de xuǎn jǔ pǔ xuǎn quán， yīn wéi xiāng cūn dì qū de guǎng dà nóng yè rén kǒu tōng cháng zhī chí bǎo shǒu de zhèng zhì lì chǎng， néng gòu kàng héng bā lí dū shì dì qū de láo gōng rén kǒu， yǐ miǎn bā lí shì de gé mìng qíng xù yǐng xiǎng quán guó zhèng zhì， pǔ xuǎn quán de kuò zhāng tóng shí shǐ tuō kè wéi 'ěr de xuǎn piào cóng yuán běn de 700 dà fú zēng jiā zhì 160,000 rén。
zài dì 'èr gòng hé guó lǐ， tuō kè wéi 'ěr yǔ bǎo shǒu pài de partidel'Ordre jié méng， duì kàng jī jìn de shè huì zhù yì zhě hé láo gōng。 zài 'èr yuè gé mìng de sāo luàn hòu bù jiǔ， tā rèn wéi yīcháng chǔyú zhī chí “ mín zhù hé shè huì gòng hé guó ” de láo gōng rén kǒu yǔ yóu xiāng cūn rén kǒu hé guì zú gòu chéng de bǎo shǒu pài zhī jiān de xuè xīng chōng tū shì nán yǐ bì miǎn liǎo。 rú tóng tā suǒ yù jiàn de， liǎng dà shè huì qún tǐ jiān de jǐn bēng guān xì zuì hòu bào fā liǎo 1848 nián de 6 yuè dà bào dòng。 tuō kè wéi 'ěr xuǎn zé zhī chí lù yì sī · kǎ fēn yǎ kè（ LouisEugèneCavaignac） jiāng jūn suǒ lǐng dǎo de zhèn bào xíng dòng， kǎ fēn yǎ kè zuì hòu xuān bù liǎo jǐn jí zhuàng tài bìng qiě zàn shí dòng jié liǎo xiàn fǎ de fǎ tiáo。 jìn guǎn shēn wéi kǎ fēn yǎ kè yǐ jí bǎo shǒu pài de zhī chí zhě， tuō kè wéi 'ěr réng rán jiē shòu liǎo 'ào dí lóng · bā luó（ OdilonBarrot） zhèng fǔ de yāo qǐng， zài 1849 nián 6 yuè zhì 10 yuè jiān dān rèn fǎ guó wài jiāo bù de bù cháng。 yóu yú yǔ zǒng tǒng ná pò lún sān shì lǐ niàn bù hé， tā zài jiù rèn hòu shù gè yuè biàn cí zhí 'ér qù， dàn réng dān rèn guó mín yì huì yì yuán。
tuō kè wéi 'ěr zhī chí bō bàng wáng cháo de fù wèi， fǎn duì ná pò lún jiā zú de dì 'èr dì guó（ 1851-1871）。 tā zài 1851 nián de zǒng tǒng xuǎn jǔ zhōng zhī chí lù yì sī · kǎ fēn yǎ kè duì kàng ná pò lún sān shì。 zài xuǎn jǔ zhī hòu， xīn dāng xuǎn de ná pò lún yú 1851 nián 12 yuè 2 rì fā dòng zhèng biàn， xià lìng jiě sàn guó mín yì huì。 tuō kè wéi 'ěr yǔ qí tā yì huì dài biǎo yī tóng zài bā lí jù jí yǐ duì kàng zhèng biàn， dàn què bèi ná pò lún yǐ“ pàn guó zuì” wéi míng dài bǔ。 zài zāo jū jìn yī xiǎo duàn shí jiān hòu tuō kè wéi 'ěr huò dé shì fàng， jiē zhe tā wán quán tuì chū liǎo zhèng tán， yǔ tā de yīng yì qī zǐ MarieMottley yī tóng yǐn jū yú xiāng jiān de chéng bǎo（ châteaudeTocqueville）。 zài nà lǐ tā yě kāi shǐ zhuàn xiě《 jiù zhì dù yǔ dà gé mìng》（ L'AncienRégimeetlaRévolution）， zài 1856 nián chū bǎn liǎo quán shū de dì yī juàn， dàn zài zhuàn xiě dì 'èr juàn de qī jiān yīn bìng qù shì。
lùn měi guó de mín zhù
tuō kè wéi 'ěr zài 1835 nián chū bǎn de《 mín zhù yǔ měi guó》 shì zuì zǎo kāi shǐ tàn tǎo měi guó zhèng zhì hé wén huà de zhù yào zuò pǐn zhī yī， bìng qiě yě chéng wéi yán jiū zhè fāng miàn lǐng yù de jīng diǎn zuò pǐn zhī yī。 zài shū zhōng tuō kè wéi 'ěr yǐ tā mǐn ruì de guān chá lì， cóng yī míng dì sān zhě de jiǎo dù guān chá xīn dà lù de mín zhù zhì dù。 tā zàn yáng liǎo mín zhù zhì dù zài měi guó de chéng gōng fā zhǎn， dàn tā tóng shí yě duì yú mín zhù zhì dù xià chū xiàn duō shù bào zhèng de kě néng xìng tí chū liǎo jǐng gào héng tā jiāng nà chēng wéi shì“ wēn hé de bào zhèng”。 zhè běn shū shì tuō kè wéi 'ěr zài 19 shì jì chū qī yǐ yóu lì měi guó de jīng yàn suǒ xiě chéng de， nà shí zhèng shì měi guó gāng jīng lì liǎo zì yóu shì chǎng gé mìng、 xī bù kuò zhǎn、 yǐ jí jié kè xùn mín zhù de kuài sù fā zhǎn， wán quán gǎi biàn liǎo měi guó shēng huó miàn mào de shí hòu。 tuō kè wéi 'ěr rèn wéi mín zhù kě yǐ shìdàng de píng héng zì yóu yǔ píng děng liǎng zhě， zài zhào gù gè rén de tóng shí yě gù jí shè huì de fā zhǎn。 tuō kè wéi 'ěr rèn wéi guò dù de shè huì píng děng huì dǎo zhì rén yǔ rén zhī jiān de gū lì， zào chéng gèng duō de zhèng fǔ gān yù、 yǐ jí zì yóu zāo dào qīn shí。 tuō kè wéi 'ěr yě pī píng liǎo gè rén zhù yì， tā rèn wéi rén yǔ rén zhī jiān gēn jī yú xiāng tóng mù biāo de tuán jié hé zuò， néng jiāng měi guó jiàn lì wéi yī gè gèng lǐ xiǎng de guó jiā， yě néng yīn cǐ 'ér jiàn lì qǐ yī gè gōng mín shè huì， cóng 'ér bì miǎn guò dù yǐ lài zhèng fǔ de gān yù。
cóng bólātú de《 lǐ xiǎng guó》 hé《 fǎ lǜ piān》 kāi shǐ， xǔ xǔ duō duō sī xiǎng jiā de yī guàn zhù zhāng shì： wèile bì miǎn xié 'è hé tān lán， sī rén cái chǎn bì xū bèi fèi chú； zhǐ yòu dāng cái chǎn de lì liàng bèi wán quán xiāo chú hòu， zhī shí fèn zǐ jīng yīng de“ zhé xué jiā guó wáng” cái néng fú xiàn， bìng duì shè huì jìn xíng tǒng zhì。 zhǐ yòu dāng měi dé chéng wéi wéi yī de quán lì jī chǔ shí， rén lèi shè huì cái néng dá chéng lǐ xiǎng de mù biāo。 ér zǎo qī de xiàn dài sī xiǎng jiā cóng tuō mǎ sī · mò 'ěr kāi shǐ， yě cǎi qǔ liǎo bólātú duì yú sī rén cái chǎn de pī pàn zī tài。 bólātú hé mò 'ěr dū rèn wéi cái chǎn de píng héng hé quán lì de píng héng shì yī zhì de， rú guǒ cái chǎn de chí yòu chū xiàn bù píng děng， nà me nà xiē yōng yòu cái chǎn de rén bì rán yě huì zhǎng wò quán lì。 ér 18 shì jì de mèng dé sī jiū yě rèn tóng zhè zhǒng guān diǎn， rèn wéi zhǐ yòu dāng cái chǎn bèi píng jūn fēn pèi shí， zhēn zhèng de měi dé cái néng fú xiàn bìng lǐng dǎo zhèng zhì。 zhè xiē sī xiǎng jiādōu zhù zhāng shè huì de píng děng shì yī gè gòng hé guó de bì yào tiáo jiàn， yīn wéi zhè yàng cái néng bǎo zhèng tǒng zhì zhě shì zuì jié chū 'ér zuì yōu xiù de。
tuō kè wéi 'ěr zuì chū yě rèn tóng cái chǎn píng héng děng yú quán lì píng héng zhè zhǒng guān diǎn， dàn zài《 lùn měi guó de mín zhù》 yī shū lǐ， tuō kè wéi 'ěr kǎo chá měi guó suǒ dé chū de jié lùn què chè dǐ tuō lí liǎo zhè xiē sī xiǎng jiā， chéng wéi jīng rén de zhuǎn biàn。 tuō kè wéi 'ěr qǐ chū shì zhe tàn suǒ wèihé měi guó néng gòu fā zhǎn de rú cǐ fán róng， tā jiàn zhèng dào liǎo měi guó shè huì yǔ lǎo jiù de 'ōu zhōu shì jiè yòu zhe xiǎn zhù de chā yì， yǔ 'ōu zhōu xiāng fǎn de shì， měi guó shè huì jiāng zuàn qǔ jīn qián shì wéi shì yī zhǒng zuì zhù yào de dào dé， jiēguǒ shǐ měi guó de yī bān bǎi xìng dé yǐ xiǎng shòu rén lèi shǐ shàng kōng qián de zì zūn hé zì yóu。 zài měi guó shè huì lǐ， jīhū suǒ yòu réndōu bào chí qín láo gōng zuò hé chāo yuè tā rén de lǐ xiǎng， yī bān bǎi xìng cóng bù fú cóng jīng yīng de quán wēi， tóng shí jī jìn de gè rén zhù yì yǔ shì chǎng zī běn zhù yì fā zhǎn zhì liǎo qián suǒ wèi jiàn de dì bù。
tuō kè wéi 'ěr zhù zhāng， zhèng shì zhè zhǒng dú tè de měi guó jīng shén hé dào dé guān， shǐ dé měi guó tuō lí liǎo 'ōu zhōu shè huì de jú xiàn hé qiān bàn。 yǔ 'ōu zhōu bù tóng de shì， qián wǎng měi guó de xīn yí mín fā xiàn liǎo yòu guǎng dà 'ér wú rén jū zhù de tǔ dì kě yǐ tuò kěn， suǒ yòu dào dá měi guó de réndōu kě yǐ yōng yòu tā men zì jǐ de tǔ dì、 bìng qiě dú lì jīng yíng zì jǐ de shēng huó。 tuō kè wéi 'ěr zhǐ chū， shù liàng xī shǎo de jiù jīng yīng yǐ jí dì zhù guì zú díquè cún zài， dàn tā men wán quán méi yòu jī huì dǐ dǎng yīn wéi guǎng dà tǔ dì de suǒ yòu quán 'ér yǎn shēng chū de zī běn zhù yì jià zhí guān。 zài zhè yàng yī gè kāi fàng shè huì lǐ， mài xiàng fù yù de jī huì duō de shǔbù jìn， suǒ yòu réndōu kāi shǐ jiàn lì shǔ yú tā men zì jǐ de shì jiè： qín láo 'ér jù chuàng xīn jīng shén de qǐ yè jiā chéng wéi shè huì de zhù liú。
ér zhè zhǒng xiān tiān tiáo jiàn yě yùn yù chū liǎo měi guó dú tè de zhèng zhì hé shè huì jià zhí guān， jué dìng liǎo zhí mín dì hé hòu lái de dì fāng zhōu huì tōng guò de fǎ 'àn。 dào liǎo 18 shì jì mò qī， chóng shàng zuàn qián、 qín láo gōng zuò、 yǐ jí gè rén zhù yì de mín zhù jià zhí yǐ jīng zhī pèi měi guó běi bù， xiāo chú liǎo dà duō shù jiù shì jiè yí liú de guì zú jí qí jià zhí guān。 bù guò， yào zài měi guó nán bù xiāo chú zhè xiē shì wù zé xiǎn dé jiào wéi kùn nán， yīn wéi nú lì zhì dù chǎn shēng liǎo dì zhù guì zú yǐ jí lèi sì yú jiù shì jiè de cóng shǔ guān xì， zhè zhǒng xiàn xiàng yī zhí yào dào nán běi zhàn zhēng de zhàn qián shí qī wéi zhǐ。
tuō kè wéi 'ěr zhǐ chū zhèng shì zhè xiē zài běi bù（ yǐ jí shāo hòu zài nán bù） chū xiàn de zī běn zhù yì jià zhí guān， chāo yuè liǎo jiù shì jiè de dào dé guān hé shè huì jī zhì。 lì fǎ jī gòu jìn yī bù fèi zhǐ liǎo lái zì jiù shì jiè de zhǎngzǐ yí chǎn jì chéng quán hé qí tā yí chǎn jì chéng de xiàn zhì， shǐ dé tǔ dì de suǒ yòu quán dé yǐ guǎng fàn de fēn pèi。 dì zhù jīng yīng shī qù liǎo jiāng suǒ yòu cái chǎn fēn pèijǐ dān yī zhǎngzǐ de tè quán， yīn cǐ cái fù biàn de gèng nán yǐ gǒng gù， gèng duō rén yě yīn cǐ huì nǔ lì de tì zì jǐ de wèi lái fèn dǒu。
tuō kè wéi 'ěr zhù zhāng， zài zhè yàng kuài sù mín zhù huà de shè huì lǐ， rén men wǎng wǎng méi yòu shénme tè bié“ jié chū” de dào dé guān niàn， ér shì huì xī wàng tòu guò qín láo gōng zuò lái lěi jī páng dà de cái fù。 zài tuō kè wéi 'ěr kàn lái， měi guó zài zhè zhǒng dú tè de mín zú tè zhì shàng tiào tuō liǎo chuán tǒng de 'ōu zhōu。 zài 'ōu zhōu， méi yòu rén duì zuàn qián yòu tài dà de xīng qù， zuì dǐ céng de shè huì jiē jí duì yú zuàn qǔ zú yǐ wēn bǎo yǐ wài de cái fù bìng bù bào xī wàng， ér shàng céng jiē jí zé rèn wéi zuàn qián shì cū lǔ de、 xià liú de、 ér qiě yǔ tā men de guì zú shēnfèn bù xiāng dā pèi de。 tuō kè wéi 'ěr suǒ zhǐ chū de zhè xiē zài wén huà shàng de chā yì yě bèi hòu lái xǔ duō sī xiǎng jiā hé xué zhě suǒ cǎi nà， jiě shì liǎo wèihé 'ōu zhōu zài 19 shì jì huì chū xiàn yī qún chuānzhuó háo huá fú zhuāng、 què zǒu shàng jiē tóu qǐ tú lì yòng láo gōng fā qǐ jiē jí zhàn zhēng hé gé mìng de jīng yīng jiē jí； rán 'ér zài měi guó， dāng láo gōng kàn dào chuānzhuó háo huá fú zhuāng de yòu qián rén shí， tā men suǒ xiǎng de què shì tòu guò gèng nǔ lì gōng zuò de fāng shì lái lěi jī cái fù， rèn wéi tā men zhǐ yào kěn fèn dǒu hé chuàng xīn， zhōng yòu yī rì yě kě yǐ chuānzhuó dào gèng háo huá de yī fú。
yīn cǐ zhè xiē dú tè de měi guó jià zhí， zài xǔ duō rén kàn lái， biàn jiě shì liǎo měi guó lì wài zhù yì de chéng yīn， tóng shí yě néng jiě shì xǔ duō měi guó dú yòu de shén mì xiàn xiàng， lì rú měi guó cóng lái méi yòu xiàng qí tā xī fāng guó jiā yī yàng rú cǐ chè dǐ de yōng bào shè huì zhù yì。 duì tuō kè wéi 'ěr 'ér yán， měi guó yǔ 'ōu zhōu zuì dà de chā yì yě jiù shì zhè xiē dú tè de mín zhù jià zhí guān。 jìn guǎn tā zuì chū rèn tóng bólātú、 tuō mǎ sī · mò 'ěr、 hé mèng dé sī jiū suǒ zhù zhāng de cái fù píng héng cái néng què bǎo quán lì píng héng de gài niàn， dàn tuō kè wéi 'ěr zuì hòu dé chū liǎo wán quán bù tóng de jié lùn。 tā zhù zhāng jiù rú tóng tā duì měi guó de guān chá suǒ xiǎn shì de， cái fù de píng héng bìng wú fǎ què bǎo tǒng zhì zhě biàn huì shì zuì hǎo de rén xuǎn， shì shí shàng jiēguǒ fǎn 'ér diān dǎo guò lái liǎo。 guǎng fàn de、 ér qiě chéng xù gōng zhèng de cái chǎn suǒ yòu quán chéng wéi měi guó de dú tè xiàn xiàng， zhè bù dàn jué dìng liǎo měi guó shè huì de dú tè jià zhí guān hé jīng shén， tóng shí yě néng jiě shì wèihé měi guó dà zhòng duì yú jīng yīng wén huà bào chí rú cǐ qīng shì de tài dù。
tuō kè wéi 'ěr bìng zhǐ chū， chú liǎo xiāo chú diào yī qiē jiù shì jiè de guì zú yǐng xiǎng wài， měi guó píng cháng bǎi xìng yě jù jué fú cóng nà xiē yōng yòu jiào duō cái fù、 huò yōng yòu jiào duō tiān zī hé zhì huì de rén。 tuō kè wéi 'ěr rèn wéi， jìn guǎn zhè xiē zhī shí fèn zǐ jīng yīng dōushì zài měi guó shè huì lǐ zhèng dāng tuō yíng 'ér chū de， dàn tā men bìng wú fǎ xiǎng shòu yǔ zài 'ōu zhōu yī yàng chéng dù zhèng zhì quán lì。 píng cháng de měi guó bǎi xìng xiǎng shòu jí dà de zì zhù quán lì， bìng qiě jù jué fú cóng jīng yīng zhī shí fèn zǐ de lǐng dǎo。 zhè yàng de mín zhù wén huà cù chéng liǎo yī zhǒng míng xiǎn 'ér dú tè de píng děng guān niàn， dàn rú tóng tuō kè wéi 'ěr zhù zhāng de， gǒng gù zhè zhǒng dào dé guān hé jīng shén de gēn jī， yě shǐ dé měi guó shè huì yòu zhe píng fán yōng sú de fēng qì。
zhì yú nà xiē tiān shēng jù yòu dào dé hé tiān zī de rén， zé wú fǎ xiàng zài 'ōu zhōu nà yàng yōng yòu zhòng duō de quán lì hé dì wèi， ér shì bì xū yíng hé dāng qián měi guó shè huì de xū qiú cái néng shēng cún。 tuō kè wéi 'ěr yù yán zhǐ chū， nà xiē yōng yòu zuì hǎo jiào yù bèi jǐng hé tiān zī de rén zhǐ yòu liǎng zhǒng shēng yá tú jìng kě yǐ xuǎn zé， yào bù jiù shì jiā rù zhī shí fèn zǐ de xiǎo juàn juàn， tì shè huì suǒ miàn lín de píng fán wèn tí yán jiū jiě jué bàn fǎ héng zhè xiē xiǎo juàn juàn zé chéng wéi liǎo měi guó de xué shù jiè； yòu huò zhě， lì yòng tā men de tiān zī hé cái néng， cóng shì sī rén qǐ yè de móu lì shēng yá， tì zì jǐ zuàn qǔ páng dà de cái fù。 tuō kè wéi 'ěr yú《 lùn měi guó de mín zhù》 yī shū lǐ de zuì hòu dé chū liǎo zhè gè jié lùn， yǐ 19 shì jì chū de měi guó lì shǐ wéi gēn jī， jiě shì liǎo měi guó shè huì wén huà hé jià zhí guān de běn zhì， bìng qiě yě jiě shì liǎo wèihé měi guó néng fā zhǎn chéng shú zhì jīn tiān de miàn mào。
míng yán
mín zhù yǔ shè huì zhù yì chú liǎo píng děng zhè yī cí yǐ wài， méi yòu rèn hé xiāng tóng de dì fāng。 dàn zhù yì liǎng zhě jiān de chā yì： mín zhù shì wéi liǎo zì yóu 'ér zhuī qiú píng děng， shè huì zhù yì zé shì wèile yā pò hé nú yì 'ér zhuī qiú píng děng。
wǒ huì shuō dāng qián shì jiè shàng zhǐ shèng xià liǎng gè wěi dà de guó jiā héng 'é luó sī hé měi guó； chú liǎo zhè liǎng gè guó jiā yǐ wài， qí tā suǒ yòu guó jiā sì hū dōuyǐ jīng miàn lín tā men de jí xiàn， bìng qiě dū zhǐ néng shì tú wéi chí tā men de lì liàng， ér tā men de lì liàng zhú jiàn shuāi tuì de chéng dù zé shì méi yòu dǐ xiàn de。
bào zhèng kě yǐ zài méi yòu xìn niàn de qíng kuàng xià jìn xíng tǒng zhì， dàn zì yóu zé bù néng。
tā men（ huáng dì men） jīng cháng làn yòng quán lì bō duó rén mín de cái chǎn hé shēng mìng： tā men qí zhōng jǐ gè rén de bào zhèng yě dá dào liǎo kōng qián de dì bù， dàn qí shù liàng yǐ rán bù duō …… rú guǒ bào zhèng shì zài wǒ men jīn tiān de mín zhù guó jiā lǐ fú xiàn， nà tā jiāng huì gǎi biàn wéi lìng yī fù miàn mào； zhè yàng de bào zhèng jiāng huì gèng wéi guǎng fàn、 dàn què tóng shí dài yòu wēn hé de sè cǎi， tā jiāng huì zài nú yì rén mín de tóng shí， què bù ràng tā men gǎn jué bàn diǎn tòng kǔ。
nà xiē yào qiú dé dào zì yóu yǐ wài de rèn hé dōng xī de rén， zhù dìng shēng 'ér wéi nú。
wǒ hái bù xiǎo dé yòu nǎ gè guó jiā xiàng měi guó yī yàng， rén mín shì rú cǐ de rè 'ài cái fù， ér wéi chí cái fù píng děng de lǐ lùn zé bèi rén mín suǒ qiáng liè miǎo shì。
zhì yú shuō dào wǒ， wǒ shì yī gè mín zhù zhù yì zhě； zhè jiù shì wèishénme wǒ bù kě néng shì yī gè shè huì zhù yì zhě。 mín zhù hé shè huì zhù yì shì bù kě néng bìng cún de， nǐ bù kě néng jiāng liǎng zhě hùn zài yī qǐ。
suǒ yòu xī wàng cuī huǐ mín zhù guó jiā de zì yóu de réndōu gāi zhī dào， fā dòng zhàn zhēng shì zuì kuài 'ér yòu zuì kě kào de shǒu duàn。
měi guó zhī wěi dà bù zài yú tā bǐ qí tā guó jiā gèng wéi cōng míng， ér zài yú tā yòu gèng duō néng lì xiū bǔ zì jǐ fàn xià de cuò wù。
yī gè měi guó rén de yī shēng， jiù hǎo xiàng yīcháng dǔ zhù jī huì de yóu xì yī bān、 yīcháng gé mìng wǔ tái、 huò yīcháng zhàn yì。
mín zhù zuì zhòng yào de yuán zé bù zài yú yīnggāi xiāo chú páng dà de cái fù， ér shì zài yú cái fù bù yìng gāi jù jí yú tóng yī gè rén shǒu shàng。 yīn cǐ mín zhù zhì dù lǐ huì chū xiàn yōng yòu páng dà cái fù de yòu qián rén， dàn tā men běn shēn wú fǎ gòu chéng yī gè shè huì jiē jí。
rú guǒ xiǎng yào huò dé xīn wén zì yóu suǒ dài lái de dà liàng yōu diǎn， wǒ men yě bì xū rěn shòu tā suǒ chuàng zào chū de gè zhǒng xié 'è……
zài yī gè yōng yòu jí huì zì yóu de guó jiā， mì mì jié shè shì bù huì chū xiàn de。 měi guó yōng yòu xǔ duō bù tóng de tuán tǐ pài xì， dàn què méi yòu yīn móu jí tuán cún zài。
wài jiāo bù xū yào mín zhù tè zhì， tā xū yào de shì mín zhù zhī wài de dōng xī。 mín zhù guó jiā qīng xiàng yú fú cóng chōng dòng 'ér fēi jǐn shèn， wéi mǎn zú yī shí chōng dòng 'ér fàng qì cháng yuǎn dà jì。 fǎ guó dà gé mìng hòu， měi guó guó nèi jí biǎo xiàn liǎo zhè zhǒng qīng xiàng； quán lài huá shèng dùn jiān yì bù qū de xìng gé yǔ tā xiǎng yòu de wēi wàng， cái zǔ zhǐ liǎo guó rén qún qíng jī fèn de mào shī chōng dòng， bì miǎn duì yīng xuān zhàn（ yīn wéi dāng shí měi guó wú lì tiǎo xìn， xū yào hé píng）。（《 lùn měi guó de mín zhù》）
zhù zuò
DusystèmepénitentaireauxÉtats-UnisetdesonapplicationenFrance(1833 nián ) héng《 lùn měi guó de xíng shì zhì dù jí qí duì fǎ guó de yìng yòng》， yǔ gǔ sī tǎ fū · dé · bó méng hé zhù
DeladémocratieenAmerique(1835 nián /1840 nián ) héng《 lùn měi guó de mín zhù》， yuán běn fēn wéi liǎng juàn chū bǎn， dì yī juàn zài 1835 nián， dì 'èr juàn zài 1840 nián
L'AncienRégimeetlaRévolution(1856 nián ) héng《 jiù zhì dù yǔ dà gé mìng》， tuō kè wéi 'ěr dì 'èr zhī míng de zhù zuò
Recollections(1893 nián ) héng《 huí yì lù》， zhè shì jīng lì 1848 nián gé mìng 'ér xiě xià de jì lù， tuō kè wéi 'ěr shēng qián cóng méi xiǎng guò yào jiāng qí gōng zhū yú shì； zài tā sǐ hòu tā de qī zǐ hé gǔ sī tǎ fū · dé · bó méng jiāng qí chū bǎn
JourneytoAmerica(1831 nián – 1832 nián ) héng《 měi guó yóu jì》， tuō kè wéi 'ěr yóu lì měi guó shí de lǚ xíng yóu jì， yóu GeorgeLawrence fān yì wéi yīng wén， 1960 nián yóu yé lǔ dà xué chū bǎn shè chū bǎn
An eminent representative of the classical liberal political tradition, Tocqueville was an active participant in French politics, first under the July Monarchy (1830–1848) and then during the Second Republic (1849–1851) which succeeded the February 1848 Revolution. He retired from political life after Louis Napoléon Bonaparte's 2 December 1851 coup, and thereafter began work on The Old Regime and the Revolution, Volume I.
Life
Alexis de Tocqueville came from an old Norman aristocratic family with ancestors who participated in the Battle of Hastings in 1066. His parents, Hervé Louis François Jean Bonaventure Clérel, Comte de Tocqueville, an officer of the Constitutional Guard of King Louis XVI, and Louise Madeleine Le Peletier de Rosanbo, narrowly avoided the guillotine due to the fall of Robespierre in 1794. After an exile in England, they returned to France during the reign of Napoleon. Under the Bourbon Restoration, his father became a noble peer and prefect.
Tocqueville attended the Lycée Fabert in Metz.
Tocqueville, who despised the July Monarchy (1830–1848), began his political career at the start of the same period, 1830. Thus, he became deputy of the Manche department (Valognes), a position which he maintained until 1851. In parliament, he defended abolitionist views and upheld free trade, while supporting the colonisation of Algeria carried on by Louis-Philippe's regime. Tocqueville was also elected general counsellor of the Manche in 1842, and became the president of the department's conseil général between 1849 and 1851.
In 1831, he obtained from the July Monarchy a mission to examine prisons and penitentiaries in America, and proceeded there with his life-long friend Gustave de Beaumont. He returned in less than two years, and published a report, but the real result of his tour was the famous De la Démocratie en Amerique, which appeared in 1835.
Apart from America, Tocqueville also made an observational tour of England, producing Memoir on Pauperism. In 1841 and 1846, he traveled to Algeria. His first travel inspired his Travail sur l'Algérie, in which he criticized the French model of colonisation, which was based on an assimilationist view, preferring instead the British model of indirect rule, which avoided mixing different populations together. He went as far as openly advocating racial segregation between the European colonists and the "Arabs" through the implementation of two different legislative systems (a half century before implementation of the 1881 Indigenous code based on religion). In 1835 de Tocqueville made a journey through Ireland. His observations provide one of the best pictures of how Ireland stood before the Great Famine 1845-1849. The observations chronicle the growing Catholic middle-class and the appalling conditions in which most Catholic tenant farmers lived. De Tocqueville's libertarian sympathies and his affinity for his Irish co-religionists are made clear.
After the fall of the July Monarchy during the February 1848 Revolution, Tocqueville was elected a member of the Constituent Assembly of 1848, where he became a member of the Commission charged with the drafting of the new Constitution of the Second Republic (1848–1851). He defended bicameralism (the existence of two parliamentary chambers) and the election of the President of the Republic by universal suffrage. As the countryside was thought to be more conservative than the labouring population of Paris, universal suffrage was conceived as a means to counteract the revolutionary spirit of Paris.
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During the Second Republic, Tocqueville sided with the parti de l'Ordre against the socialists. A few days after the February insurrection, he believed that a violent clash between the Parisian workers' population led by socialists agitating in favor of a "Democratic and Social Republic" and the conservatives, which included the aristocracy and the rural population, was inescapable. As Tocqueville had foreseen, these social tensions eventually exploded during the June Days Uprising of 1848. Led by General Cavaignac, the repression was supported by Tocqueville, who advocated the "regularization" of the state of siege declared by Cavaignac, and other measures promoting suspension of the constitutional order. Between May and September, Tocqueville participated in the Constitutional Commission which Wrote the new Constitution. His proposals underlined the importance of his American experience, as his amendment about the President and his reelection.
A supporter of Cavaignac and of the parti de l'Ordre, Tocqueville, however, accepted an invitation to enter Odilon Barrot's government as Minister of Foreign Affairs from 3 June to 31 October 1849. There, during the troubled days of June 1849, he pleaded with Jules Dufaure, Interior Minister, for the reestablishment of the state of siege in the capital and approved the arrest of demonstrators. Tocqueville, who since February 1848 had supported laws restricting political freedoms, approved the two laws voted immediately after the June 1849 days, which restricted the liberty of clubs and freedom of the press. This active support in favor of laws restricting political freedoms stands in contrast of his defense of freedoms in Democracy in America. A closer analysis reveals, however, that Tocqueville favored order as "the sine qua non for the conduct of serious politics. He [hoped] to bring the kind of stability to French political life that would permit the steady growth of liberty unimpeded by the regular rumblings of the earthquakes of revolutionary change.″
Tocqueville had supported Cavaignac against Louis Napoléon Bonaparte for the presidential election of 1848. Opposed to Louis Napoléon's 2 December 1851 coup which followed his election, Tocqueville was among the deputies who gathered at the 10th arrondissement of Paris in an attempt to resist the coup and have Napoleon III judged for "high treason," as he had violated the constitutional limit on terms of office. Detained at Vincennes and then released, Tocqueville, who supported the Restoration of the Bourbons against Bonaparte's Second Empire (1851–1871), quit political life and retreated to his castle (Château de Tocqueville). Against this image of Tocqueville, biographer Joseph Epstein has concluded: "Tocqueville could never bring himself to serve a man he considered a usurper and despot. He fought as best he could for the political liberty in which he so ardently believed—had given it, in all, thirteen years of his life [....] He would spend the days remaining to him fighting the same fight, but conducting it now from libraries, archives, and his own desk." There, he began the draft of L'Ancien Régime et la Révolution, publishing the first tome in 1856, but leaving the second one unfinished.
Tocqueville's professed religion was Roman Catholicism.
Translated Versions of Democracy in America and Effects on Meaning
Henry Reeve, translated circa 1839 This translation was completed by Reeve with work from Francis Bowen and Phillips Bradely. Tocqueville provided a critique of the translation as follows "Without wishing to do so and by following the instinct of your opinions, you have quite vividly colored what was contrary to Democracy and almost erased what could do harm to Aristocracy." Although it is not exactly clear what is meant, there are two general thoughts on its meaning. First, that Tocqueville believed the translation to be defective, or second, that Tocqueville was startled by his own voice.
Richard D. Heffner, translated circa 1956
Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop, translated circa 2000
Arthur Goldhammer, translated circa 2004 The most recent translation of the text by Tocqueville, the translation stresses to require the reader to think more about the text instead of relying on "instant opinions" provided by previous translations. A speech from the translator given at Harvard University provides a keen insight into the development of his translation:
To shed light on the possible inaccuracies of the original translation, the title of the text should be "On Democracy in America", however this was changed by Reeve. Although not a complete rewrite, the clarity that Tocqueville wrote with depended on its concreteness and by making words interchangeable at will, it does have an effect on the meaning especially to readers who do not put the effort to research the text or read it in its native French.
Democracy in America
In Democracy in America, published in 1835, Tocqueville wrote of the New World and its burgeoning democratic order. Observing from the perspective of a detached social scientist, Tocqueville wrote of his travels through America in the early 19th Century when the market revolution, Western expansion, and Jacksonian democracy were radically transforming the fabric of American life. He saw democracy as an equation that balanced liberty and equality, concern for the individual as well as the community. Tocqueville's impressions of American religion and its relationship to the broader national culture are likewise notable:
"Moreover, almost all the sects of the United States are comprised within the great unity of Christianity, and Christian morality is everywhere the same. In the United States the sovereign authority is religious, and consequently hypocrisy must be common; but there is no country in the whole world in which the Christian religion retains a greater influence over the souls of men than in America, and there can be no greater proof of its utility, and of its conformity to human nature, than that its influence is most powerfully felt over the most enlightened and free nation of the earth.
The Americans combine the notions of Christianity and of liberty so intimately in their minds, that it is impossible to make them conceive the one without the other; and with them this conviction does not spring from that barren traditionary faith which seems to vegetate in the soul rather than to live.
There are certain populations in Europe whose unbelief is only equaled by their ignorance and their debasement, while in America one of the freest and most enlightened nations in the world fulfills all the outward duties of religion with fervor.
Upon my arrival in the United States, the religious aspect of the country was the first thing that struck my attention; and the longer I stayed there, the more did I perceive the great political consequences resulting from this state of things, to which I was unaccustomed. In France I had almost always seen the spirit of religion and the spirit of freedom pursuing courses diametrically opposed to each other; but in America I found that they were intimately united, and that they reigned in common over the same country."
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, (New York: A. S. Barnes & Co., 1851), pp. 331, 332, 335, 336-7, 337, respectively.
Tocqueville wrote of "Political Consequences of the Social State of the Anglo-Americans" by saying "But one also finds in the human heart a depraved taste for equality, which impels the weak to want to bring the strong down to their level, and which reduces men to preferring equality in servitude to inequality in freedom" in Volumes One, Part I, Chapter 3. He further comments on equality by saying "Furthermore, when citizens are all almost equal, it becomes difficult for them to defend their independence against the aggressions of power. As none of them is strong enough to fight alone with advantage, the only guarantee of liberty is for everyone to combine forces. But such a combination is not always in evidence.". The above is often misquoted as a slavery quote due to previous translations of the French text. The most recent translation from Arthur Goldhammer in 2004 translates the meaning to be as stated above. Examples of misquoted sources are numerous on the internet, the actual text does not contain the words "Americans were so enamored by equality" anywhere in the text.
Page from original working manuscript of Democracy in America, ca. 1840
Tocqueville explicitly cites inequality as being incentive for poor to become rich, and notes that it is not often two generations within a family maintain success, and that it is inheritance laws that split and eventually break apart someone's estate that cause a constant cycle of churn between the poor and rich, thereby over generations making the poor rich and rich poor. He cites protective laws in France at the time that protected an estate from being split apart amongst heirs, thereby preserving wealth and preventing a churn of wealth such as was perceived by him in 1835 within in the United States of America.
Tocqueville's main purpose was to analyze the functioning of political society and various forms of political associations, although he brought some reflections on civil society too (and relations between political and civil society). For Tocqueville as for Hegel and Marx, civil society was a sphere of private entrepreneurship and civilian affairs regulated by civil code. As a critic of individualism, Tocqueville thought that through associating, the coming together of people for mutual purpose, both in public and private, Americans are able to overcome selfish desires, thus making both a self-conscious and active political society and a vibrant civil society functioning independently from the state.
Tocqueville's penetrating analysis sought to understand the peculiar nature of American political life. In describing America, he agreed with thinkers such as Aristotle and Montesquieu that the balance of property determined the balance of political power, but his conclusions after that differed radically from those of his predecessors. Tocqueville tried to understand why America was so different from Europe in the last throes of aristocracy. America, in contrast to the aristocratic ethic, was a society where hard work and money-making was the dominant ethic, where the common man enjoyed a level of dignity which was unprecedented, where commoners never deferred to elites, and where what he described as crass individualism and market capitalism had taken root to an extraordinary degree.
Tocqueville expressed interest in the unique American condition of equality in terms of income, using the 90/10 inequality ratio. His hypothetical analysis could later be applied to the Kuznets Curve. Tocqueville's data is consistent with the early stages of income equality of a developing country, which is not surprising considering America's heavy reliance on agriculture in the early nineteenth century. Tocqueville writes "Among a democratic people, where there is no hereditary wealth, every man works to earn a living...Labor is held in honor; the prejudice is not against but in its favor."
This equality of social conditions bred political and civilian values which determined the type of legislation passed in the colonies and later in the states. By the late 18th Century, democratic values which championed money-making, hard work, and individualism had eradicated, in the North, most remaining vestiges of old world aristocracy and values. Eliminating them in the South proved more difficult, for slavery had produced a landed aristocracy and web of patronage and dependence similar to the old world, which would last until the antebellum period before the Civil War.
Alexis de Tocqueville
Tocqueville asserted that the values that had triumphed in the North and were present in the South had begun to suffocate old-world ethics and social arrangements. Legislatures abolished primogeniture and entails, resulting in more widely distributed land holdings. Landed elites lost the ability to pass on fortunes to single individuals. Hereditary fortunes became exceedingly difficult to secure and more people were forced to struggle for their own living.
This rapidly democratizing society, as Tocqueville understood it, had a population devoted to "middling" values which wanted to amass, through hard work, vast fortunes. In Tocqueville's mind, this explained why America was so different from Europe. In Europe, he claimed, nobody cared about making money. The lower classes had no hope of gaining more than minimal wealth, while the upper classes found it crass, vulgar, and unbecoming of their sort to care about something as unseemly as money; many were virtually guaranteed wealth and took it for granted. At the same time in America workers would see people fashioned in exquisite attire and merely proclaim that through hard work they too would soon possess the fortune necessary to enjoy such luxuries.
But, despite maintaining with Aristotle, Montesquieu, and others that the balance of property determined the balance of power, Tocqueville argued that, as America showed, equitable property holdings did not ensure the rule of the best men. In fact, it did quite the opposite. The widespread, relatively equitable property ownership which distinguished America and determined its mores and values also explained why the American masses held elites in such contempt.
More than just imploding any traces of old-world aristocracy, ordinary Americans also refused to defer to those possessing, as Tocqueville put it, superior talent and intelligence. These natural elites, who Tocqueville asserted were the lone virtuous members of American society, could not enjoy much share in the political sphere as a result. Ordinary Americans enjoyed too much power, claimed too great a voice in the public sphere, to defer to intellectual superiors. This culture promoted a relatively pronounced equality, Tocqueville argued, but the same mores and opinions that ensured such equality also promoted, as he put it, a middling mediocrity.
Those who possessed true virtue and talent would be left with limited choices. Those with the most education and intelligence would either, Tocqueville prognosticated, join limited intellectual circles to explore the weighty and complex problems facing society which have today become the academic or contemplative realms, or use their superior talents to take advantage of America's growing obsession with money-making and amass vast fortunes in the private sector. Uniquely positioned at a crossroads in American History, Tocqueville's Democracy in America attempted to capture the essence of American culture and values.
Though a supporter of colonialism, Tocqueville could clearly perceive the evils that blacks and Indians had been subjected to in America. Tocqueville notes that among the races that exist in America:
The first who attracts the eye, the first in enlightenment, in power and in happiness, is the white man, the European, man par excellence; below him appear the Negro and the Indian. These two unfortunate races have neither birth, nor face, nor language, nor mores in common; only their misfortunes look alike. Both occupy an equally inferior position in the country that they inhabit; both experience the effects of tyranny; and if their miseries are different, they can accuse the same author for them.
Tocqueville contrasted the settlers of Virginia with the middle-class, religious Puritans who founded New England, and analyzed the debasing influence of slavery:
"The men sent to Virginia were seekers of gold, adventurers without resources and without character, whose turbulent and restless spirit endangered the infant colony...Artisans and agriculturalists arrived afterwards...hardly in any respect above the level of the inferior classes in England. No lofty views, no spiritual conception presided over the foundation of these new settlements. The colony was scarcely established when slavery was introduced; this was the capital fact which was to exercise an immense influence on the character, the laws and the whole future of the South. Slavery...dishonors labor; it introduces idleness into society, and with idleness, ignorance and pride, luxury and distress. It enervates the powers of the mind and benumbs the activity of man. On this same English foundation there developed in the North very different characteristics.
Tocqueville concluded that removal of the Negro population from America could not resolve the problem as he writes at the end of the first Democracy:
If the colony of Liberia were able to receive thousands of new inhabitants every year, and if the Negroes were in a state to be sent thither with advantage; if the Union were to supply the society with annual subsidies, and to transport the Negroes to Africa in government vessels, it would still be unable to counterpoise the natural increase of population among the blacks; and as it could not remove as many men in a year as are born upon its territory within that time, it could not prevent the growth of the evil which is daily increasing in the states. The Negro race will never leave those shores of the American continent to which it was brought by the passions and the vices of Europeans; and it will not disappear from the New World as long as it continues to exist. The inhabitants of the United States may retard the calamities which they apprehend, but they cannot now destroy their efficient cause.
In 1855, he wrote the following text published by Maria Weston Chapman in the Liberty Bell: Testimony against Slavery
I do not think it is for me, a foreigner, to indicate to the United States the time, the measures, or the men by whom Slavery shall be abolished.
Still, as the persevering enemy of despotism everywhere, and under all its forms, I am pained and astonished by the fact that the freest people in the world is, at the present time, almost the only one among civilized and Christian nations which yet maintains personal servitude; and this while serfdom itself is about disappearing, where it has not already disappeared, from the most degraded nations of Europe.
An old and sincere friend of America, I am uneasy at seeing Slavery retard her progress, tarnish her glory, furnish arms to her detractors, compromise the future career of the Union which is the guaranty of her safety and greatness, and point out beforehand to her, to all her enemies, the spot where they are to strike. As a man, too, I am moved at the spectacle of man's degradation by man, and I hope to see the day when the law will grant equal civil liberty to all the inhabitants of the same empire, as God accords the freedom of the will, without distinction, to the dwellers upon earth.
According to him assimilation of blacks would be almost impossible and this was already being demonstrated in the Northern states. As Tocqueville predicted, formal freedom and equality and segregation would become this population's reality after the Civil War and during Reconstruction — as would the bumpy road to true integration of blacks.
Assimilation, however, was the best solution for Native Americans. But since they were too proud to assimilate, they would inevitably become extinct. Displacement was another part of America's Indian policy. Both populations were "undemocratic", or without the qualities, intellectual and otherwise, needed to live in a democracy. Tocqueville shared many views on assimilation and segregation of his and the coming epochs, but he opposed Gobineau's scientific racism theories as found in The Inequality of Human Races (1853–1855).
Toqueville was also something of a forward thinking prophet when, in his Democracy In America he almost seems to predict the future of the world in the Cold War saying "There are now two great nations in the world, which starting from different points, seem to be advancing toward the same goal: the Russians and the Anglo-Americans... Each seems called by some secret design of Providence one day to hold in its hands the destinies of half the world.".
When Tocqueville toured the United States from 1831 to 1832 the Naturalization Act of 1790, signed into law by George Washington, prohibited persons of color from becoming citizens. Only persons who were "white" of "good moral character" could become citizens; while freed blacks, Asians, and Native Americans were denied citizenship. The citizens mentioned in Tocqueville's book, Democracy in America, were all of the white race.
The 1841 discourse on the Conquest of Algeria
French historian of colonialism Olivier LeCour Grandmaison has underlined how Tocqueville (as well as Michelet) used the term "extermination" to describe what was happening during the colonization of Western United States and the Indian removal period. Tocqueville thus expressed himself, in 1841, concerning the conquest of Algeria:
As far as I am concerned, I came back from Africa with the pathetic notion that at present in our way of waging war we are far more barbaric than the Arabs themselves. These days, they represent civilization, we do not. This way of waging war seems to me as stupid as it is cruel. It can only be found in the head of a coarse and brutal soldier. Indeed, it was pointless to replace the Turks only to reproduce what the world rightly found so hateful in them. This, even for the sake of interest is more noxious than useful; for, as another officer was telling me, if our sole aim is to equal the Turks, in fact we shall be in a far lower position than theirs: barbarians for barbarians, the Turks will always outdo us because they are Muslim barbarians.
In France, I have often heard men I respect but do not approve of, deplore that crops should be burnt and granaries emptied and finally that unarmed men, women and children should be seized. In my view these are unfortunate circumstances that any people wishing to wage war against the Arabs must accept. I think that all the means available to wreck tribes must be used, barring those that the human kind and the right of nations condemn. I personally believe that the laws of war enable us to ravage the country and that we must do so either by destroying the crops at harvest time or any time by making fast forays also known as raids the aim of which it to get hold of men or flocks.
Whatever the case, we may say in a general manner that all political freedoms must be suspended in Algeria.
Tocqueville thought the conquest of Algeria was important for two reasons: first, his understanding of the international situation and France's position in the world, and, second, changes in French society. Tocqueville believed that war and colonization would "restore national pride, threatened," he believed, by "the gradual softening of social mores" in the middle classes. Their taste for "material pleasures" was spreading to the whole of society, giving it "an example of weakness and egotism"." Applauding the methods of General Bugeaud, Tocqueville went as far as saying that "war in Africa" had become a science: "war in Africa is a science. Everyone is familiar with its rules and everyone can apply those rules with almost complete certainty of success. One of the greatest services that Field Marshal Bugeaud has rendered his country is to have spread, perfected and made everyone aware of this new science."
Tocqueville advocated racial segregation in Algeria with two distinct legislations, one for each very separate communities. Such legislation would eventually be enacted with the Crémieux decrees and the 1881 Indigenous Code, which gave French citizenship only to European settlers and Algerian Jews, while Muslim Algerians were confined to a second-grade citizenship.
Tocqueville's opposition to the invasion of Kabylia
In opposition to Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison, Jean-Louis Benoît claimed that given the extent of racial prejudices during the colonization of Algeria, Tocqueville was one of its "most moderate supporters." Benoît claimed that it was wrong to assume Tocqueville was a supporter of Bugeaud, despite his 1841 apologetic discourse. It seems that Tocqueville changed viewpoint in particular after his second travel to Algeria in 1846. Hereafter, he criticized Bugeaud's desire to invade Kabylia (home of the Berbers) in a 1847 speech to the Assembly. Tocqueville, who did advocate racial segregation between Europeans and Arabs, judged otherwise the Berbers. In an August 22, 1837 proposal, Tocqueville distinguished the Berbers from the Arabs. He considered that these last ones should have a self-government (a bit on the model of British indirect rule, thus going against the French assimiliationist stance).
Tocqueville's views on the matter were complex, and evolved over time. Even though in his 1841 report on Algeria Tocqueville admitted that Bugeaud succeeded in implementing a technique of war that enabled him to defeat Abd al-Qadir's resistance and applauded him on one hand, he opposed on the other hand the conquest of Kabylia in his first Letter about Algeria (1837). In this document, he advocated that France and the French military leave Kabylia apart to preserve a peaceful zone so as to try and develop commercial links. In all his subsequent speeches and writings he kept on being against any attempt towards intrusion into Kabylia.
During the debate concerning the 1846 extraordinary funds, Tocqueville denounced Bugeaud's conduct of military operations, and succeeded in convincing the Assembly of not voting the funds in support of Bugeaud's military columns. Tocqueville considered Bugeaud's will to invade Kabylia, despite the opposition of the Assembly, as a seditious move in front of which the government opted for cowardice.
Report on Algeria (1847)
In his 1847 Report on Algeria, Tocqueville declared that Europe should avoid making the same mistake they made with the European colonization of the Americas in order to avoid the bloody consequences. More particularly he reminds his countrymen of a solemn caution whereby he warns them that if the methods used towards the Algerian people remain unchanged, colonization will end in a blood bath. The 1847 caution went unheeded and the heralded tragedy did happen.
Tocqueville includes in his report on Algeria that the fate of their soldiers and finances depended on how they treated the natives and established a sound government. Creating peace in the country would reduce the number of soldiers. However, by treating the inhabitants of Algeria as an obstacle then the two sides would be subject to much conflict and strife.
References in popular literature
Tocqueville was quoted in several chapters of the Toby Young's memoirs, How to Lose Friends and Alienate People to explain his observation of widespread homogeneity of thought even amongst intellectual elites at Harvard University, during his time spent there. He is frequently quoted and studied in American history classes. Tocqueville is the inspiration for Australian novelist Peter Carey in his 2009 novel, Parrot and Olivier in America.
In 24:Redemption, President Allison Taylor quotes de Tocqueville saying, "in every democracy, the people get the government they deserve". She uses this quote in her inaugural speech to the nation.