| 姓： | 杜 | ||||
| 名： | 甫 | ||||
| 字： | 子美 | ||||
| 網筆號： | 少陵野老; 杜陵野客; 杜陵布衣 | ||||
| 籍貫： | 襄陽 | ||||
| 今属： | 鞏義市 | ||||
| 出生地： | 河南省鞏縣 | ||||
閱讀杜甫 Du Fu在诗海的作品!!! | |||||
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杜甫[杜甫與中唐詩歌]
唐玄宗天寶十四載（755）安史之亂爆發，使唐王朝迅速地由繁盛轉入衰亂，唐詩
也隨之發生了重大變化。從盛唐詩歌的情況來看，儘管那個時代的一些文人出於各種原
因對前代詩歌進行了激烈的抨擊，但從魏晉南北朝到盛唐，詩歌發展的延續性在一些基
本特徵上是很顯著的：儒傢傳統中以詩為政治與教化之工具的觀念在實際創作中很少被
認真看待，詩始終是一種個人性的藝術創造，是表現詩人生活情懷與人生理想的審美形
式。而盛唐詩人的激蕩的熱情與浪漫的幻想，更使詩成為華彩的樂章。而到了中唐，首
先可以看到詩歌與時事政治的關聯加強了。這本身當然不是什麽缺點，杜甫許多這一類
型的詩作都具有感人的力量，對於唐詩的內容是很重要的開拓。但同時需要註意到，這
一種關聯的加強常常伴隨着詩人個體意識的削弱和對於國傢的依附意識的加強，伴隨着
儒傢文學觀念的加強。這在杜甫已不能免，在元結、白居易等詩人那裏則更突出。而另
一方面，作為盛唐詩歌主要特徵的激情的表現，在中唐詩歌中也受到了抑製。杜甫詩的
“沉鬱”，實際就是激情受到理性的抑製的結果。在其他詩人那裏，激情或轉化為怪誕，
或轉化為哀苦，乃至退化為閑適、瑣細。
毫無疑問，唐代文化富於創造性的生命力並不是在中唐就消失了。甚至，中唐詩歌
藝術風格的多樣化、各種不同風格之間的差異，比盛唐詩給人的印象要更為強烈；中唐
詩人對語言表現形式的關註，也比盛唐詩人更為深入。從杜甫的“語不驚人死不休”，
到李賀的嘔心瀝血覓詩句，賈島的苦吟，詩人們付出了前所未有的努力。唐詩總體上的
繁榮多彩，與他們（也包括晚唐詩人）的努力是分不開的。但詩歌中豪邁自信、自由飛
揚的精神，在這時確實是開始減退了。
還有一點需要說明：自明代高棅明確把唐詩劃分成初、盛、中、晚四階段以來，人
們習慣把杜甫歸為盛唐詩人，這是出於要同時充分肯定盛唐詩和杜詩的典範價值的考慮。
但從唐代社會和唐詩的變化的實際情況來看，這樣劃分並不合理，所以我們不采此說。
杜甫與李白一嚮被視為唐詩世界中兩座並峙的高峰，同時，他們也構成了唐詩的分
野。儘管李、杜的年齡衹相差十一歲，他們也都經歷過唐王朝的全盛時代和由盛入衰的
安史之亂，但他們的創作，卻存在某些根本的不同。李白詩歌的主導風格，形成於大唐
帝國最為輝煌的年代，以抒發個人情懷為中心，詠唱對自由人生的渴望與追求，成為其
顯著特徵。
而杜甫詩歌的主導風格，卻是在安史之亂的前夕開始形成，而滋長於其後數十年天
下瓦解、遍地哀號的苦難之中。因此，流響於剛剛過去的年代中的充滿自信、富於浪漫
色彩的詩歌情調，到了杜甫這裏便戛然而止。在飄零的旅途上，杜甫背負着對於國傢和
民族命運的沉重責任感，凝視着流血流淚的大地，忠實地描繪出時代的面貌和自己內心
的悲哀。這種深入社會、關切政治和民生疾苦、重視寫實的創作傾嚮，和由此帶來的語
言表現形式方面的一係列變化，不僅標志了唐詩內容與風格的重大轉折，也對中唐以後
直至宋代詩歌的發展，造成了深刻的影響。
但是，盛唐詩歌的一些重要特徵，在杜甫的詩歌創作中仍然有所體現。激情雖然在
他的詩中受到抑製，卻仍然可以感受到它的存在；雄偉壯大之美，也仍然是詩人的愛好。
他的那些關於時事政治的詩篇，大抵是真誠情感的流露和結晶，而並非以預定的社會功
利目的為首要的出發點。從這些方面來說，杜甫與盛唐文化終究有很深的關聯。
一、杜甫的生平和個性
杜甫（712—770）字子美，生於鞏縣（今屬河南）。他出身於一個具有悠久傳統的
官僚世傢，自十三世祖杜預以下，幾乎每一代都有人出任不同的官職，所以杜甫自豪地
稱為“奉儒守官，未墜素業”（《進雕賦表》）。其母係為唐代士族中門第最高的清河
崔氏。衹是杜甫的父親杜閑衹做到奉天縣令，這個家庭已呈衰落之象。
家庭給予杜甫正統的儒傢文化教養，和務必要在仕途上有所作為的雄心。所以，終
其一生，高蹈出世的念頭很少占據他的頭腦。另外，唐代是重視詩歌的時代，而杜甫的
祖父杜審言正是武後朝中最著名的詩人，這更加深了杜甫對詩歌的興趣。他曾很驕傲地
對兒子說：“詩是吾傢事。”（《宗武生日》）追求仕途事業和不朽的詩名，共同構成
了杜甫的人生軌道。
杜甫早慧，據稱七歲便能寫詩，十四、五歲時便“出遊翰墨場”（《壯遊》），與
文士們交遊酬唱。二十歲以後十餘年中，杜甫過着漫遊的生活。這既是為了增長閱歷，
也是為了交結名流、張揚聲名，為日後的仕進作準備。他先到了吳越一帶，江南景物和
文化，給他留下很深刻的印象。二十四歲時，杜甫赴洛陽考試，未能及第，又浪遊齊、
趙，度過一段狂放的生活，他後來回憶說：“放蕩齊趙間，裘馬頗清狂。”
（《壯遊》）三十三歲時，杜甫與李白相識於洛陽，又在梁、宋一帶為豪俠之遊。
李白當時已是名震天下的詩人，他的特殊風采和出衆才華，深深吸引了杜甫。
杜甫稱做官為他們傢族的“素業”——世代相襲的職業，他的各種文化教養都是與
這一點相聯繫的。三十五歲左右，杜甫來到長安求取官職。開始，他滿懷信心，“自謂
頗挺出，立登要路津”，並相信自己能“緻君堯舜上，再使風俗淳”（《奉贈韋左丞丈
二十二韻》），但滯留十年卻一再碰壁。這可能是因為他的家庭背景已不夠有力，而把
持權柄的李林甫等人，又對引進人才采取阻礙的態度。大約在杜甫到長安不久，父親就
去世了，他的生活因此變得艱睏起來，為了生存，為了求官做，杜甫不得不奔走於權貴
門下，作詩投贈，希望得到他們的引薦。此外，他還多次嚮玄宗皇帝獻賦，如《雕賦》、
《三大禮賦》等，指望玄宗對他的文才投以青睞。種種努力的結果，是到天寶十四載纔
獲得右衛率府胄曹參軍這樣一個卑微的官職，而這已是安史之亂的前夕。
天寶後期，唐代社會雖維持着表面的繁盛，卻已處處埋伏危機。這主要表現在三個
方面：一是玄宗和他的邊將們一意開拓疆土、窮兵黷武的政策，導致國力空虛、民生艱
難，許多人無辜死亡；二是玄宗沉湎於享樂，李林甫、楊國忠等人擅權專政，阻塞言路，
政治變得昏暗；三是為玄宗所寵信的安祿山身兼三節度使，手握雄兵，威脅到國傢的統
一。處在逆境中的人容易看到現實中的弊病，當一場大崩潰即將到來時，杜甫透過個人
的不幸看到了國傢的不幸，人民的不幸。天寶十一載（752），杜甫寫下了他的名篇
《兵車行》，以嚴肅的態度，真實地記錄下人民被驅往戰場送死的悲慘圖景。這首詩標
志了杜甫詩歌的轉變。此後，他又寫出《前出塞》九首，繼續對災難性的開邊戰爭提出
質疑；寫出《麗人行》，揭露玄宗寵妃楊玉環的親族窮奢極欲的生活。而長詩《自京赴
奉先詠懷五百字》，更把最高統治集團醉生夢死的情狀與民間饑寒交迫的睏境加以尖銳
的對照，以“朱門酒肉臭，路有凍死骨”這樣震撼人心的詩句概括了社會的黑暗和不合
理。
安史之亂爆發後，杜甫一度被睏於叛軍占據下的長安。後來衹身逃出，投奔駐在鳳
翔的唐肅宗，被任為左拾遺。這是一個從八品的諫官，地位雖不高，卻是杜甫僅有的一
次在中央任職的經歷。但不久就因上疏申救房琯的罷相而觸怒肅宗，後於乾元初被貶斥
為華州司功參軍。由於戰亂和饑荒，杜甫無法養活他的家庭，加之對仕途的失望，他在
乾元二年（759）丟棄了官職，進入在當時尚為安定富足的蜀中。從安史之亂爆發到杜
甫入川的四年，整個國傢處在劇烈的震蕩中，王朝傾危，人民大量死亡，杜甫本人的生
活也充滿危險和艱難。而他的詩歌創作，因了血與淚的滋養，達到了顛峰狀態。
《春望》、《月夜》、《悲陳陶》、《悲青坂》、《北徵》、《羌村》以及“三
吏”、“三別”等大量傳世名篇，從詩人浸滿憂患的筆下不絶涌出。
到成都不久，杜甫依靠朋友的幫助，在城西建了一座草堂。後來，杜甫的故交嚴武
出任劍南東西川節度使，與杜甫過從甚密，對他的生活也多有照顧。當嚴武第二次鎮蜀
時，並表薦杜甫擔任了節度參謀、檢校工部員外郎（後世因此稱他為“杜工部”）。杜
甫是為了避亂謀食來到蜀中的。最初二年多時間，他閑居草堂，生活確實比較安逸，當
時所寫吟詠草堂周圍自然景物的詩篇，也顯出一種清新閑淡的韻緻。但這種情形並沒有
維持很久。從全國來說，安史之亂雖於公元七六三年宣告結束，但唐王朝的瓦解之勢並
未因此而停止。外患方面，有吐蕃的嚴重侵擾，甚至攻入長安，迫使代宗倉皇出逃；內
亂方面，則出現普遍的軍閥割據或半割據狀態，而政治的腐敗、官吏的橫暴，也是有增
無減。從蜀中地區來說，它既是吐蕃進攻的一個重點，也是容易發生軍閥割據的地方。
就在嚴武二次鎮蜀的間隔時期，就曾發生一場嚴重的軍事叛亂，杜甫因此一度逃離
成都，攜傢流浪。一場暴烈的動蕩轉化為持續的衰亂，這使得杜甫對國傢的前途更覺失
望，他後期的詩歌，情緒甚至比安史之亂中更顯得沉重。
永泰元年（765），嚴武去世，蜀中重又發生大亂，杜甫在成都的生活也失去憑依，
他又帶着全家老小，登上一條小船，過起流浪逃難的生活（或謂在嚴武去世前不久，杜
甫因所任工部員外郎之職由虛銜轉為實授，而離蜀赴長安）。最初的目的大概是要沿長
江東下出川，路途中卻因疾病和戰亂等緣故，滯留了很久。先是在雲安居住了一段時間，
後又在夔州居住了近兩年。到五十七歲那年，終於乘舟出三峽，卻仍是在湖北、湖南一
帶的水路上漂泊，最後於大歷五年、五十九歲上，在耒陽附近客死旅舟。杜甫艱難漂泊
的一生，在這裏得到一個凄涼的結束。
“漂泊西南天地間”（《詠懷古跡》五首之一）的十一年，也是杜甫詩歌創作的重
要時期，留下的作品有一千餘首，占其《杜工部集》存詩總數的三分之二以上。《聞官
軍收河南河北》、《又呈吳郎》、《秋興》、《諸將》、《詠懷古跡》、《旅夜書懷》
等，都是這一時期的優秀代表作。尤其以旅居夔州的二年為中心，杜甫的律詩創作達到
爐火純青的境界，可以說是杜詩的第二次高峰。
在杜甫年輕時代，他的性格中就包涵着兩種不同的因素。
一方面，他自幼接受儒傢正統文化的熏陶，把貴德行、重名節、循禮法視為基本的
人生準則；而同時，他也受到時代風氣的影響，有着頗為張狂、富於浪漫氣質的一面。
他的《壯遊》詩回憶往事，自稱“性豪業嗜酒，嫉惡懷剛腸”，“飲酣視八極，俗物都
茫茫”；在文學上，連屈原、賈誼、曹植、劉楨那樣的人物都不放在眼裏，可見他是多
麽驕傲。在與李白、高適等人交遊時，他們縱酒放歌、慷慨懷古、馳逐射獵，也很有幾
分任俠之氣。後來經過重重苦難的磨礪，杜甫個性中放狂的一面收斂了許多，傳統的儒
傢人生觀對於他的個性和行為習慣起了更重要的作用，但他也並不是完全變成了另外一
個人，變成了純粹的恂恂君子。《舊唐書》本傳說他“性褊躁”、“無拘檢”、“傲
誕”，不會是毫無根據的。其實，如果沒有幾分“傲誕”、“褊躁”，恐怕很難成為一
個詩人。這方面一個突出的表現，是杜甫始終對屈辱的生活處境十分敏感。滯留長安及
漂泊西南時期，杜甫常常不得不寄人籬下，仰仗權勢者的濟助。他在詩中寫道：“朝扣
富兒門，暮隨肥馬塵，殘杯與冷炙，到處潛悲辛！”（《奉贈韋左丞丈二十二韻》）
“苦搖求食尾，常曝報恩腮。……休為貧士嘆，任受衆人咍。”
（《秋日荊南述懷三十韻》）一個身負“太平宰相”之志的人，卻成為一名失業者、
乞食者，怎麽能不深感痛苦呢？這些詩句同李白的“安能摧眉折腰事權貴，使我不得開
心顔”的表白，看起來絶不相同，實質上卻有相通之處。杜詩中那種對於國傢和社會的
關切，固然是出於真情，但也未始沒有在自覺得碌碌而生、於世無益的情況下，在精神
上自我提升、自我拯救的意味。
對人生信仰、政治理想的執着，也是杜甫個性的一大特徵。後代有人說杜甫是“村
夫子”，杜甫詩中也自稱“乾坤一腐儒”（《江漢》），都是就這一種執着態度而言。
所謂“緻君堯舜”，所謂“憂民愛物”，這些儒傢的政治觀念，在很多人衹是一種空談、
一種標榜，杜甫卻是真心地相信和實行它。而且，儒者本有“窮則獨善其身，達則兼濟
天下”的進退之路，杜甫卻不願如此，他是不管窮達，都要以天下為念。甚至，愈是社
會崩潰昏亂，他愈是要宣揚自己的政治理想，相信儘管“萬國盡窮途”（《舟出江陵南
浦奉寄鄭少尹審》），但靠了一點一滴的人力，終究能夠改變現實。他的這種執着態度，
在當年實際的政治生活中未必有什麽用處，對於詩人來說卻是重要的。因為唯其如此，
杜甫才能始終保持正視現實的熱情和勇氣。
杜甫是一個感情豐富的人。他和李白交往的時間並不長，但當李白遭遇危險時，他
卻魂牽夢繞，再三寫下《夢李白》、《天末懷李白》等感人至深的詩篇。他在夔州離開
自己住過的一所房屋時，也不能忘記以前常來自己院中打棗為食的鄰傢老婦人，特意寫
了《又呈吳郎》詩，囑托新主人對她應多加體諒。當然，更多的詩篇抒發了他對戰亂中
的國傢和貧苦大衆的強烈的憂念。衹是，杜甫的情感，不像李白那樣奔泄而出，而是受
到理智的節制。這一性格特點，直接影響杜甫的詩歌創作，就是：杜甫更喜歡、更擅長
在嚴格的形式中，以精心選擇、反復錘煉的語言來抒發情感。
二、亂離時世的悲歌
杜甫早期作品留存數量很少。這些詩篇和時代的風氣相一致，充滿自信、帶有英雄
主義的傾嚮，而同杜甫自己後來的作品有明顯區別。如《房兵曹鬍馬》以“所嚮無空
闊”、“萬裏可橫行”寫馬，《畫鷹》以“何當擊凡鳥，毛血灑平蕪”寫鷹，都有不可
一世之概。《望嶽》詩起首“岱宗夫如何，齊魯青未了”，氣勢宏大；結句“會當凌絶
頂，一覽衆山小”，富於展望，令人感覺到詩人雄心勃勃的精神狀態。隨着杜甫漸漸深
入到苦難的現實，他的詩也變得沉重起來。但早期詩歌那種氣勢壯闊的特點，仍然保留
着。
《兵車行》的創作標志着杜甫詩歌的轉變。由此形成並基本上貫穿了杜甫此後一生
詩歌創作在思想內容方面的主要特徵有四點：嚴肅的寫實精神；在忠誠於唐王朝和君主
的前提下，對統治集團中的腐朽現象給予嚴厲的批判；對民生疾苦的深厚同情；對國傢
與民族命運的深沉憂念。
《兵車行》的開頭是一幅悲慘的圖景：“車轔轔，馬蕭蕭，行人弓箭各在腰。耶娘
妻子走相送，塵埃不見鹹陽橋。牽衣頓足攔道哭，哭聲直上幹雲霄。”接着把批判的鋒
芒指嚮好大喜功的唐玄宗：“邊庭流血成海水，武皇開邊意未已！”詩中繼續寫到戰爭
導致國內生産力的衰減：“君不聞漢傢山東二百州，千村萬落生荊杞，縱有健婦把鋤犁，
禾生隴畝無東西。”
最後藉想象為那些無辜的死者發出悲憤的哭喊：“君不見青海頭，古來白骨無人收。
新鬼煩冤舊鬼哭，天陰雨濕聲啾啾！”
在唐詩中，如此嚴肅地正視現實、具有深刻的批判精神的作品，以前還沒有過。而
在稍後寫成的《自京赴奉先詠懷五百字》中，杜詩的批判精神又有進一步的發展。詩中
既寫到自己忠於王朝和君主的不可改移的天性——“葵藿傾太陽，物性固難奪”，同時
又對正在驪山行宮中肆意揮霍享樂的玄宗君臣提出責難：“彤庭所分帛，本自寒女出，
鞭撻其夫傢，聚斂貢城闕。”在這裏，杜甫的筆已經觸及統治者與人民之間剝削與被剝
削的根本性對立。
在杜甫的思想中，合理的政治應當表現為統治者與被統治者之間的和諧：君主應當
愛護人民，使之安居樂業，而人民則理所當然地應該忠誠和擁戴君主。然而事實上這僅
是一種空想。他作為一個誠實的詩人嚴肅地面對現實時，不能不為此感到困苦。杜詩的
名篇“三吏”、“三別”、就是很好的例子。這些詩作於乾元二年杜甫從華州去洛陽時。
此前不久，唐軍在鄴城圍攻安史叛軍遭到大敗，形勢危急，唐軍為了守住洛陽、潼關一
綫，在民間拼命抓丁，連未成年人和老人都不能幸免。杜甫以敘事詩的形式描述了他親
眼所見的悲慘情形。
從這些典型的憂國憂民之作中，我們可以更清楚地理解杜甫。
首先需要指出：“憂國”和“憂民”並不是很容易統一起來的事情。因為杜甫所憂
念的“國”同李氏王朝的“皇綱”之存亡密不可分，這“國”首先是包括杜甫在內的統
治階級的國，統治階級的成員依其地位高下從這個“國”中得到不等的利益；至於“民”
尤其是貧睏的勞動人民，即使他們的利益同這個王朝的存亡有一定關聯，他們也主要是
犧牲者而不是得利者。而安史之亂就其根本的性質來說，是一場企圖改朝換代的軍事叛
亂。雖然安史集團的頭領以漢化的鬍族人為主，但民族矛盾的一面也不是主要的。可以
說，普通民衆是被爭奪最高權力的兩大集團推進了血火之中。那麽杜甫又怎樣來看待這
個問題呢？先看他的《新安吏》：
客行新安道，喧呼聞點兵。藉問新安吏：“縣小更無丁？”“府帖昨夜下，次選中
男行。”“中男絶短小，何以守王城？”肥男有母送，瘦男獨伶俜。白水暮東流，青山
猶哭聲。“莫自使淚枯，收汝淚縱橫，眼枯即見骨，天地終無情！”
讀到這裏，我們感受到詩人對受難的人民的極其真實深切的悲憫之情。當他說出
“眼枯即見骨，天地終無情”這樣悲憤的話時，他指出了一個慘痛的事實：民衆在這個
世界上走到了絶路。沿着這個方向追問下去，會出現嚴重的問題：犧牲到最後的人民有
無義務繼續為大唐王朝作出犧牲？而詩人就在這危險關頭收剎了他的筆，轉到另外的方
嚮：
我軍取相州，日夕望其平，豈意賊難料，歸軍星散營。就糧近故壘，練卒依舊京，
掘壕不到水，牧馬役亦輕。況乃王師順，撫養甚分明，送行勿泣血，僕射如父兄。
所謂官軍中勞役輕、官長愛惜士兵，並且似乎沒有什麽危險，這恐怕是杜甫自己都
不能相信的。但他衹能這樣幻想，並以此安慰從軍少年和他們的傢人。而歸根結蒂，他
還是要求人民繼續為唐王朝作出犧牲。還有《新婚別》，寫一位結婚纔一天的新娘送丈
夫從軍，詩中既寫出她的悲哀：“君今往死地，瀋痛迫中腸”，又以較多的筆墨描繪了
這位女子“深明大義”的形象。她要丈夫“勿為新婚念，努力事戎行”，又說自己不能
跟隨而去，因為“婦女在軍中，兵氣恐不揚。”我們不能說杜甫筆下的新娘不是真實的，
但可以想象一定也有不願自己的親人走嚮“死地”的婦女。而之所以選擇這一位新娘作
為主人公，乃是從國傢利益考慮。包括《垂老別》中那位“子孫徵亡盡”而自己又被徵
去當兵的老人，他的遭遇可以說凄慘至極，詩人對他也確實充滿同情，但在篇末，他還
是讓老人說出“何鄉為樂土，安敢尚盤桓”這樣偏嚮豪壯的調子。
總之，杜甫“憂國”，卻不能因此而泯滅良知，回避眼見的事實①；他“憂民”，
卻又不能因此背棄唐王朝的根本利益，因此衹能在尖銳的矛盾中尋找折衷的途徑。而這
種折衷又是很勉強的，這使詩中表現出的情緒顯得非常痛苦。我們沒有理由苛責杜甫，
作為封建時代的詩人，能夠如此嚴肅地正對現實，關懷人民，已是難能可貴。但在另一
方面也要看到，在以後長期的封建社會中，他獲得“詩聖”這樣一個帶有濃厚道德意味
的尊稱，也是有其深刻的原因的。
①如張巡、許遠在安史之亂中為堅守睢陽，以人為食，死者數萬，封建史傢和正統
文人對他們吃人這一點仍給予贊揚，這和杜詩的態度完全是另一回事。
在杜甫晚年，由於形勢越發不可收拾，自身的處境也日見窘迫，他對軍閥、官僚的
橫暴、腐敗，態度變得更為尖銳嚴峻。雖然像《兵車行》和“三吏”、“三別”那樣細
緻描述的作品已經很少再有了，但以高度概括的詩歌語言所揭示的事實，卻別有一種震
撼人心的力量。如《草堂》寫蜀中軍閥的叛亂和相互殺戮：“到今用鉞地，風雨聞號呼。
鬼妾與鬼馬，色悲剋爾娛。”——被殺者似乎仍在號哭，而他們的妻妾和馬，都面帶愁
容供殺戮者取樂，這是一幅何等慘酷的圖景！又如《三絶句》中寫道官軍的殘暴：
殿前兵馬雖驍雄，縱暴略與羌渾同。聞道殺人漢水上，婦女多在官軍中。
時代的苦難被杜甫以焦慮和憤怒的心情一一記錄在詩中。但是，他對現實有什麽辦
法呢？他衹能苦苦地告誡那些做官的朋友：“衆寮宜潔白，萬役但平均。”（《送陵州
路使君赴任》）
他衹能期盼皇帝的賢明：“誰能叩君門，下令減徵賦？”（《宿花石戍》）他衹能
浩嘆：“安得務農息戰鬥，普天無吏橫索錢！”
（《晝夢》）這些無奈的、固執的哀告，說出了受盡苦難的廣大民衆的心願。
杜甫不衹是一個時代的觀察者、記錄者，他本身的遭遇是同時代的苦難糾結在一起
的。人們從他的詩篇中，可以清楚地看到這位誠實的、富於正義感和同情心的詩人，如
何輾轉掙紮於漂泊的旅途，歷經饑寒睏危，備嘗憂患。對於生活在動亂時代的人們，這
一類詩格外具有感染力。如《月夜》，是杜甫在安史之亂爆發後睏居長安時所作，抒發
了詩人對被戰火阻隔的妻子的懷念：
今夜鄜州月，閨中衹獨看。遙憐小兒女，未解憶長安。香霧雲鬟濕，清輝玉臂寒。
何時倚虛幌，雙照淚痕幹！
當他逃至鳳翔後，有了機會去鄜州探傢時，又寫出他的名篇《羌村三首》，錄第一
首：
崢嶸赤雲西，日腳下平地。柴門鳥雀噪，歸客千裏至。妻孥怪我在，驚定還拭淚。
世亂遭飄蕩，生還偶然遂。鄰人滿墻頭，感嘆亦歔欷。夜闌更秉燭，相對如夢寐。
詩中呈現一幅戲劇性的異常感人的場面。在那一場突發的大戰亂中，傢破人亡是尋
常事情，骨肉重聚反而似乎是不可思議的了。杜甫以準確生動的語言，把他們一傢人重
新相見時，彼此如在夢中、亦驚亦悲亦喜的復雜心情清晰地呈現出來，可謂感人至深。
千百年來，它不知引發了多少人內心的共鳴！
正是因為個人的命運同時代的苦難糾結在一起，富於同情心和社會責任感的杜甫，
常常從自身的遭遇聯想到更多的人、更普遍的社會問題。如在《自京赴奉先詠懷五百字》
中，他由幼子的因饑餓而夭折，想到自己的家庭畢竟還享有某些特權，那些地位低下的
“失業徒”、“遠戍卒”，又將如何掙紮下去呢？在《茅屋為秋風所破歌》中，他由自
傢茅屋被風雨吹破而致傢人受寒凍，發出“安得廣廈萬千間，大庇天下寒士俱歡顔”的
祈願。這種寬廣的胸懷，是值得後人欽佩的。
杜甫的詩歌自古以來就有“詩史”的美譽。但應該指出：
詩歌並不會僅僅因為記載了某些史實就成為好詩。杜甫其實並非有意於史；他的那
些具有歷史紀實性的詩篇，以及那些紀述自身經歷而折射出歷史面目的詩篇，乃是他的
生命與歷史相隨而飽經憂患的結晶，是浸透着他個人的辛酸血淚的。後代有些詩人雖然
也關註社會政治問題，但往往有意於史，所以他們的詩作難以像杜詩一樣引起我們的感
動。
當然，杜甫的詩歌不盡是同當日的政治、社會問題相關聯的，也下完全是憂憤之作。
他的作品題材其實很廣泛，尤其描繪山水風光自然景物的詩篇，在他的集子中占了很大
比例。杜甫一生到過很多地方，吟詠美好的山川風光，為他多難的生活增添了許多樂趣。
像西南一帶的景色，很多是因為有了杜甫的詩才開始為世人所知。有時，杜甫也會忘懷
一切地沉浸在自然界種種細微的變化中，寫出諸如“細雨魚兒出，微風燕子斜”（《水
檻遣心》）、“雲掩初弦月，香傳小樹花”（《遣意》）那樣一類情味悠閑的詩句。畢
竟，生活是多彩的，作為詩人，無論如何也不會失去對優美事物的興趣。
三、杜甫詩歌的藝術成就
杜甫是一位富有創造性的詩人。比較而言，李白的詩天然涌發、飄逸而不可摹仿；
杜甫的詩則千錘百煉、苦心經營，可以為人典則。就這一點來說，杜詩對後人的影響比
李白要大。
杜甫的詩歌類型衆多、風格也富於變化。其原因主要有二：一是杜甫的詩歌應用範
圍極廣。他不僅用詩歌來敘事抒情，還用來寫人物傳記和自傳、書信、遊記、政論、詩
文評，幾乎無所不能。不過這也帶來部分詩歌偏嚮於理性化的問題。
二是杜甫對前代詩歌的態度比較寬容，主張“轉益多師”而不輕易否定。比如對南
朝詩，杜甫雖亦有所批評，但卻不曾像李白那樣大言“自從建安來，綺麗不足珍”
（《古風》之一）。他對庾信、何遜、陰鏗等衆多六朝作傢，都能誠心地肯定和汲取其
長處，從而豐富了自身的創作。這一點元稹在為杜甫寫的墓志銘中曾強調地指出。
杜甫善於運用各種詩歌體式。他的五、七言律詩和五、七言古體詩，在唐代都是第
一流的。七言絶句雖不如李白、王昌齡那樣傑出，但也有自成一傢的特色。衹有五絶，
數量較少，成就亦稍為遜色。在杜甫的詩歌中，有幾種類型特別具有獨創性，也最能夠
代表他對中國詩史的貢獻，我們分別加以介紹。
一類是用五言古體形式寫成的自敘性的詩篇，《自京赴奉先詠懷五百字》、《北徵》
是其中最著名的代表作。這類詩大都篇幅較長，往往是融寫景、敘事、抒情、議論於一
體，能夠表達相當復雜的內容。如《北徵》詩長達七百字，敘述作者自鳳翔至鄜州探傢
的一路經歷和所見所思，沿途的景物、戰亂的瘡痕、對國傢命運的憂慮、對個人遭遇的
感慨、與傢人重聚的情形等多方面內容交織在一起，情緒起伏變化，充分表現了杜甫當
時復雜的心理。這類詩是從辭賦體變化而來的，帶有明顯的散文成份。宋代詩歌有“以
文為詩”的傾嚮，顯然受到杜甫這一類作品的影響。但在杜甫詩中由於感情濃郁厚重，
仍有足夠的力量支撐如此長篇，而不致失去詩的特性。
一類是以《兵車行》、《麗人行》、“三吏”、“三別”為代表的既有七言古體、
又有五言古體的敘事詩。這一類詩實際是古代樂府民歌的流變，但杜甫打破慣例，不用
樂府古題而“即事名篇”（根據所敘事實命名），這樣就更能夠反映現實，更富於生活
氣息。這一創造，直接導引了中唐以元稹、白居易為首的“新樂府”運動。從敘事藝術
來看，這些詩善於描繪人物形象，尤其是運用對話來表現人物個性，在中國古代敘事詩
的發展過程中占有重要的地位。
再有一類是七律。杜甫在這方面的成就，對中國詩歌藝術作出了巨大貢獻。在杜甫
以前，七律多用於宮廷應製唱和，這類詩內容貧乏，其語言亦平緩無力，而在這以外，
佳作也為數不多。到了杜甫，不但在聲律上把七律推嚮成熟，更重要的是充分發展了這
一詩歌形式所藴涵的可能性。七律同五律一樣，是固定的詩型。但杜甫利用它比五律稍
大的篇幅，使之能包含相當大的容量；在語言節奏方面，雖然七律每句衹比五律多二字，
但經過杜甫的精心調節，卻可以産生多種多樣的變化。於是，七律成為一種既工麗嚴整，
又開合動蕩，具有獨特的藝術表現力的詩型。試看他的名作《秋興八首》之一：
玉露凋傷楓樹林，巫山巫峽氣蕭森。江間波浪兼天涌，塞上風雲接地陰。叢菊兩開
他日淚，孤舟一係故園心。寒衣處處催刀尺，白帝城高急暮砧。
詩寫巫峽的秋聲秋色，美麗而蕭瑟，壯闊而陰鬱，以此襯托出孤獨的詩人形象。整
首詩既有力度，又非常精緻，給人以豐富的感受。而有時候，杜甫為了追求特殊的效果，
又把古體詩的句式、音調錘進律詩，人們稱之為“拗律”。如《白帝城最高樓》：
城尖徑仄旌旆愁，獨立縹緲之飛樓。峽坼雲霾竜虎臥，江清日抱黿鼉遊。扶桑西枝
對斷石，弱水東影隨長流。杖藜嘆世者誰子？泣血迸空回白頭。
在這首詩中，第二句和第七句語法完整，不避虛詞、代詞，都是古體詩的散文化句
式（通常律詩的句子比較緊縮）。尤其第七句是上五下二的節奏，在第五字“者”處形
成很強的停頓，然後引出悲愴而有力的末句。從聲律來說，這首詩每一句第五字的平仄
都和律詩規定的平仄相反；而且對仗的三、四句和五、六句，句尾都是三仄聲對三平聲，
起伏感很強，具有古風的特徵。這樣，作者打破了律詩固有的平衡、和諧，於拗折中求
得獨特的韻味，藉以表達自己不平靜的心情。這種藉聲調和句法的拗折來抒發某種特殊
情緒的手段，後來在宋詩人黃庭堅那裏被廣泛運用。
杜甫對於詩歌的語言非常重視，他毫不隱諱地宣稱：“語不驚人死不休。”（《江
上值水如海勢聊短述》）他的努力，也確實取得了驚人的成就。可以說，杜甫把中國古
典詩歌語言的表現力，提高到一個新的階段。
杜詩語言的功力，表現為兩種不同的情況。一是句式、詞彙並不特別，但由於寫得
準確有力，而給人以強烈的感受。如《羌村》中“妻孥怪我在”，讀起來是很平常的句
子，但它刻畫出妻子見丈夫仍在人世、剎那間竟感到奇怪的神情，成為驚心動魄的一筆。
又如《江亭王閬州筵餞錢遂州》中“老畏歌聲斷，愁隨舞麯長”，也不是很特別的句子，
卻很充分地寫出了詩人觀賞歌舞時潦倒愁悶的心情。另一種情況就是用不尋常的語言和
修辭手法，造成新鮮的、能夠激活讀者心理感受的形象。譬如杜甫的寫景詩句，常把表
示色彩的字放在開頭，然後用一個動詞引入實物，像“青惜峰巒過，黃知橘柚來”
（《放船》），“碧知湖外草，紅見海東雲”（《晴》），“緑垂風折筍，紅綻雨肥梅”
（《陪鄭廣文遊何將軍山林》）等。這樣寫來，既醒目又能表現出情感的流動。古人煉
字，有“詩眼”之說，即一句詩中有一個字特別警醒，使全句皆活。杜甫這方面的長處
尤其為人欽服，贊為一字之下，後人無法更易。像“風起春燈亂，江鳴夜雨懸”（《船
下夔州郭宿雨濕不得上岸別王二十判官》）的“亂”和“懸”，“星垂平野闊，月涌大
江流”（《旅夜書懷》）的“垂”與“涌”，“萬姓瘡痍合，群山嗜欲肥”（《送盧十
四弟侍禦護韋尚書靈櫬歸上都二十四韻》）的“合”與“肥”等，不勝枚舉。至若《
興》中“叢菊兩開他日淚，孤舟一係故園心”，動詞“開”和“係”都關聯兩項事物，
更是精巧絶倫。
杜甫詩歌的藝術風格多種多樣，最具有特徵性的、也是杜甫自己提出並為歷來評論
者所公認的，是“沉鬱頓挫”（《進雕賦表》）。所謂“沉鬱”，主要表現為意境開闊
壯大、感情深沉蒼涼；所謂“頓挫”，主要表現為語言和韻律屈折有力，而不是平滑流
利或任情奔放。形成這種特點的根本原因，是杜甫詩歌所要表達的人生情感非常強烈，
而同時這種情感又受到理性的節制。他的思慮常常很復雜、心情常常很矛盾，所以他需
要找到恰當和適度的表達方法。這樣，使得詩中的情感之流成為有力度而受控製的涌動。
杜甫是一位集大成和承前啓後的詩人，清代葉燮《原詩》中說：“杜甫之詩，包源
流，綜正變。自甫以前，如漢魏之渾樸古雅，六朝之藻麗穠纖、澹遠韶秀，甫詩無一不
備。然出於甫，皆甫之詩，無一字句為前人之詩也。自甫以後，在唐如韓愈、李賀之奇
奡，劉禹錫、杜牧之雄傑，劉長卿之流利，溫庭筠、李商隱之輕豔，以至宋、金、元、
明之詩傢，稱巨擘者，無慮數十百人，各自炫奇翻異，而甫無一不為之開先。”這樣說，
不無誇張之處，但杜甫善於總結前人經驗和善於創造，而開啓了後代衆多詩傢、詩派，
卻是無疑的事實。
（中國文學史，章培恆 駱玉明，youth掃校）
Initially little known, his works came to be hugely influential in both Chinese and Japanese culture. Of his poetic writing, nearly fifteen hundred poems written by Du Fu have been handed down over the ages. He has been called Poet-Historian and the Poet-Sage by Chinese critics, while the range of his work has allowed him to be introduced to Western readers as "the Chinese Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Shakespeare, Milton, Burns, Wordsworth, Béranger, Hugo or Baudelaire".
Traditionally, Chinese literary criticism has placed great emphasis on knowledge of the life of the author when interpreting a work, a practice which Watson attributes to "the close links that traditional Chinese thought posits between art and morality". This becomes all the more important in the case of a writer such as Du Fu, in whose poems morality and history are so prominent. Another reason, identified by the Chinese historian William Hung, is that Chinese poems are typically extremely concise, omitting circumstantial factors which may be relevant, but which could be reconstructed by an informed contemporary. For modern western readers therefore, "The less accurately we know the time, the place and the circumstances in the background, the more liable we are to imagine it incorrectly, and the result will be that we either misunderstand the poem or fail to understand it altogether". Du Fu's life is therefore treated here in some detail.
Early years
Most of what is known of Du Fu’s life comes from his own poems. Like many other Chinese poets, he came from a noble family (they claimed descent from the emperor Yao) which had fallen into relative poverty (although Hung estimates that his family income was still eleven times that of an averagely comfortable family). He was born in 712: the exact birthplace is unknown, except that it was near Luoyang, Henan province (Gong county is a favourite candidate). In later life he considered himself to belong to the capital city of Chang'an.
Du Fu's mother died shortly after he was born, and he was partially raised by his aunt. He had an elder brother, who died young. He also had three half brothers and one half sister, to whom he frequently refers in his poems, although he never mentions his stepmother.
As the son of a minor scholar-official, his youth was spent on the standard education of a future civil servant: study and memorisation of the Confucian classics of philosophy, history and poetry. He later claimed to have produced creditable poems by his early teens, but these have been lost.
In the early 730s he travelled in the Jiangsu/Zhejiang area; his earliest surviving poem, describing a poetry contest, is thought to date from the end of this period, around 735. In that year he travelled to Chang'an to take the civil service exam but was unsuccessful, to his surprise and that of centuries of later critics. Hung concludes that he probably failed because his prose style at the time was too dense and obscure, while Chou suggests that his failure to cultivate connections in the capital may have been to blame. After this failure he went back to travelling, this time around Shandong and Hebei.
His father died around 740. Du Fu would have been allowed to enter the civil service because of his father's rank, but he is thought to have given up the privilege in favour of one of his half brothers. He spent the next four years living in the Luoyang area, fulfilling his duties in domestic affairs.
In the autumn of 744 he met Li Bai (Li Po) for the first time, and the two poets formed a somewhat one-sided friendship: Du Fu was by some years the younger, while Li Bai was already a poetic star. We have twelve poems to or about Li Bai from the younger poet, but only one in the other direction. They met again only once, in 745.
In 746 he moved to the capital in an attempt to resurrect his official career. He participated in a second exam the following year, but all the candidates were failed by the prime minister (apparently in order to prevent the emergence of possible rivals). Thereafter he never again attempted the examinations, instead petitioning the emperor directly in 751, 754 and probably again in 755. He married around 752, and by 757 the couple had had five children — three sons and two daughters — but one of the sons died in infancy in 755. From 754 he began to have lung problems (probably asthma), the first of a series of ailments which dogged him for the rest of his life. It was in that year that Du Fu was forced to move his family due to the turmoil of a famine brought about by massive floods in the region.
In 755 he finally received an appointment as Registrar of the Right Commandant's office of the Crown Prince's Palace. Although this was a minor post, in normal times it would have been at least the start of an official career. Even before he had begun work, however, the position was swept away by events.
War
The An Lushan Rebellion began in December 755, and was not completely crushed for almost eight years. It caused enormous disruption to Chinese society: the census of 754 recorded 52.9 million people, but that of 764 just 16.9 million, the remainder having been killed or displaced. During this time, Du Fu led a largely itinerant life, being kept unsettled by wars, associated famines and imperial displeasure. This period of unhappiness, however, was the making of Du Fu as a poet: Eva Shan Chou has written that, "What he saw around him– the lives of his family, neighbors, and strangers– what he heard, and what he hoped for or feared from the progress of various campaigns– these became the enduring themes of his poetry". Even when he learned of the death of his youngest child, he turned to the suffering of others in his poetry instead of dwelling upon his own misfortunes. Du Fu wrote:
"Brooding on what I have lived through, if even I know such suffering, the common man must surely be rattled by the winds."
In 756 Emperor Xuanzong was forced to flee the capital and abdicate. Du Fu, who had been away from the city, took his family to a place of safety and attempted to join up with the court of the new emperor (Suzong), but he was captured by the rebels and taken to Chang’an. In the autumn, his youngest son Du Zongwu (Baby Bear) was born. Around this time Du Fu is thought to have contracted malaria.
He escaped from Chang'an the following year, and was appointed Reminder when he rejoined the court in May 757. This post gave access to the emperor, but was largely ceremonial. Du Fu's conscientiousness compelled him to try to make use of it: he soon caused trouble for himself by protesting against the removal of his friend and patron Fang Guan on a petty charge; he was then himself arrested, but was pardoned in June. He was granted leave to visit his family in September, but he soon rejoined the court and on December 8, 757, he returned to Chang’an with the emperor following its recapture by government forces. However, his advice continued to be unappreciated, and in the summer of 758 he was demoted to a post as Commissioner of Education in Huazhou. The position was not to his taste: in one poem, he wrote:
"I am about to scream madly in the office/Especially when they bring more papers to pile higher on my desk."
He moved on again in the summer of 759; this has traditionally been ascribed to famine, but Hung believes that frustration is a more likely reason. He next spent around six weeks in Qinzhou (now Tianshui, Gansu province), where he wrote over sixty poems.
Chengdu
In 760 he arrived in Chengdu (Sichuan province), where he based himself for most of the next five years. By the autumn of that year he was in financial trouble, and sent poems begging help to various acquaintances. He was relieved by Yen Wu, a friend and former colleague who was appointed governor general at Chengdu. Despite his financial problems, this was one of the happiest and most peaceful periods of his life, and many of his poems from this period are peaceful depictions of his life in his famous "thatched hut". In 762 he left the city to escape a rebellion, but he returned in the summer of 764 and was appointed military advisor to Yen, who was involved in campaigns against the Tibetans.
Last years
Luoyang, the region of his birthplace, was recovered by government forces in the winter of 762, and in the spring of 765 Du Fu and his family sailed down the Yangtze, apparently with the intention of making their way back there. They travelled slowly, held up by his ill-health (by this time he was suffering from poor eyesight, deafness and general old age in addition to his previous ailments). They stayed in Kuizhou (now Baidi, Chongqing) at the entrance to the Three Gorges for almost two years from late spring 766. This period was Du Fu's last great poetic flowering, and here he wrote 400 poems in his dense, late style. In autumn 766 Bo Maolin became governor of the region: he supported Du Fu financially and employed him as his unofficial secretary.
In March 768 he began his journey again and got as far as Hunan province, where he died in Tanzhou (now Changsha) in November or December 770, in his 59th year. He was survived by his wife and two sons, who remained in the area for some years at least. His last known descendant is a grandson who requested a grave inscription for the poet from Yuan Zhen in 813.
Hung summarises his life by concluding that, "He appeared to be a filial son, an affectionate father, a generous brother, a faithful husband, a loyal friend, a dutiful official, and a patriotic subject."
Works
Criticism of Du Fu's works has focused on his strong sense of history, his moral engagement, and his technical excellence.
History
Since the Song dynasty Du Fu has been called by critics the "poet historian" (詩史 shī shǐ). The most directly historical of his poems are those commenting on military tactics or the successes and failures of the government, or the poems of advice which he wrote to the emperor. Indirectly, he wrote about the effect of the times in which he lived on himself, and on the ordinary people of China. As Watson notes, this is information "of a kind seldom found in the officially compiled histories of the era".
Du Fu's political comments are based on emotion rather than calculation: his prescriptions have been paraphrased as, "Let us all be less selfish, let us all do what we are supposed to do". Since his views were impossible to disagree with, however, his forcefully expressed truisms enabled his installation as the central figure of Chinese poetic history.
Moral engagement
A second favourite epithet of Chinese critics is that of "poet sage" (詩聖 shī shèng), a counterpart to the philosophical sage, Confucius. One of the earliest surviving works, The Song of the Wagons (from around 750), gives voice to the sufferings of a conscript soldier in the imperial army, even before the beginning of the rebellion; this poem brings out the tension between the need of acceptance and fulfilment of one's duties, and a clear-sighted consciousness of the suffering which this can involve. These themes are continuously articulated in the poems on the lives of both soldiers and civilians which Du Fu produced throughout his life.
Although Du Fu's frequent references to his own difficulties can give the impression of an all-consuming solipsism, Hawkes argues that his "famous compassion in fact includes himself, viewed quite objectively and almost as an afterthought". He therefore "lends grandeur" to the wider picture by comparing it to "his own slightly comical triviality".
Du Fu's compassion, for himself and for others, was part of his general broadening of the scope of poetry: he devoted many works to topics which had previously been considered unsuitable for poetic treatment. Zhang Jie wrote that for Du Fu, "everything in this world is poetry", and he wrote extensively on subjects such as domestic life, calligraphy, paintings, animals and other poems.
Technical excellence
Du Fu's work is notable above all for its range. Chinese critics traditionally used the term 集大成 (jídàchéng- "complete symphony"), a reference to Mencius' description of Confucius. Yuan Zhen was the first to note the breadth of Du Fu's achievement, writing in 813 that his predecessor, "united in his work traits which previous men had displayed only singly". He mastered all the forms of Chinese poetry: Chou says that in every form he "either made outstanding advances or contributed outstanding examples". Furthermore, his poems use a wide range of registers, from the direct and colloquial to the allusive and self-consciously literary. The tenor of his work changed as he developed his style and adapted to his surroundings ("chameleon-like" according to Watson): his earliest works are in a relatively derivative, courtly style, but he came into his own in the years of the rebellion. Owen comments on the "grim simplicity" of the Qinzhou poems, which mirrors the desert landscape; the works from his Chengdu period are "light, often finely observed"; while the poems from the late Kuizhou period have a "density and power of vision".
Although he wrote in all poetic forms, Du Fu is best known for his lǜshi, a type of poem with strict constraints on the form and content of the work. About two thirds of his 1500 extant works are in this form, and he is generally considered to be its leading exponent. His best lǜshi use the parallelisms required by the form to add expressive content rather than as mere technical restrictions. Hawkes comments that, "it is amazing that Tu Fu is able to use so immensely stylized a form in so natural a manner".
Influence
In his lifetime, and immediately following his death, Du Fu was not greatly appreciated. In part this can be attributed to his stylistic and formal innovations, some of which are still "considered extremely daring and bizarre by Chinese critics". There are few contemporary references to him — only eleven poems from six writers — and these describe him in terms of affection, but not as a paragon of poetic or moral ideals. Du Fu is also poorly represented in contemporary anthologies of poetry.
However, as Hung notes, he "is the only Chinese poet whose influence grew with time", and in the ninth century he began to increase in popularity. Early positive comments came from Bai Juyi, who praised the moral sentiments of some of Du Fu's works (although he found these in only a small fraction of the poems), and from Han Yu, who wrote a piece defending Du Fu and Li Bai on aesthetic grounds from attacks made against them. By the beginning of the 10th century, Wei Zhuang had constructed the first replica of his thatched cottage in Sichuan.
It was in the 11th century, during the Northern Song era that Du Fu's reputation reached its peak. In this period a comprehensive re-evaluation of earlier poets took place, in which Wang Wei, Li Bai and Du Fu came to be regarded as representing respectively the Buddhist, Taoist and Confucian strands of Chinese culture. At the same time, the development of Neo-Confucianism ensured that Du Fu, as its poetic exemplar, occupied the paramount position. Su Shi famously expressed this reasoning when he wrote that Du Fu was "preeminent... because... through all his vicissitudes, he never for the space of a meal forgot his sovereign". His influence was helped by his ability to reconcile apparent opposites: political conservatives were attracted by his loyalty to the established order, while political radicals embraced his concern for the poor. Literary conservatives could look to his technical mastery, while literary radicals were inspired by his innovations. Since the establishment of the People's Republic of China, Du Fu's loyalty to the state and concern for the poor have been interpreted as embryonic nationalism and socialism, and he has been praised for his use of simple, "people's language".
Du Fu's popularity grew to such an extent that it is as hard to measure his influence as that of Shakespeare in England: it was hard for any Chinese poet not to be influenced by him. While there was never another Du Fu, individual poets followed in the traditions of specific aspects of his work: Bai Juyi's concern for the poor, Lu You's patriotism, and Mei Yaochen's reflections on the quotidian are a few examples. More broadly, Du Fu's work in transforming the lǜshi from mere word play into "a vehicle for serious poetic utterance" set the stage for every subsequent writer in the genre.
Du Fu has also been influential beyond China, although in common with the other High Tang poets, his reception into the Japanese literary culture was relatively late. It was not until the 17th century that he was accorded the same respect in Japan as in China, but he then had a particular influence on Matsuo Bashō. In the 20th century, he was the favourite poet of Kenneth Rexroth, who has described him as "the greatest non-epic, non dramatic poet who has survived in any language", and commented that, "he has made me a better man, as a moral agent and as a perceiving organism".
Translation
There have been a number of notable translations of Du Fu’s work into English. The translators have each had to contend with the same problems of bringing out the formal constraints of the original without sounding laboured to the western ear (particularly when translating lǜshi), and of dealing with the allusions contained particularly in the later works (Hawkes writes that "his poems do not as a rule come through very well in translation" — p. ix). One extreme on each issue is represented by Kenneth Rexroth’s One Hundred Poems From the Chinese. His are free translations, which seek to conceal the parallelisms through enjambement and expansion and contraction of the content; his responses to the allusions are firstly to omit most of these poems from his _select_ion, and secondly to “translate out” the references in those works which he does _select_.
An example of the opposite approach is Burton Watson's The _Select_ed Poems of Du Fu. Watson follows the parallelisms quite strictly, persuading the western reader to adapt to the poems rather than vice versa. Similarly, he deals with the allusion of the later works by combining literal translation with extensive annotation.