| 姓： | 陳 | ||
| 名： | 慶同 | ||
| 字： | 仲甫 | ||
| 籍貫： | 安徽省懷寧縣 | ||
閱讀陳獨秀 Chen Duxiu在百家争鸣的作品!!! | |||
早年1879年10月9日（清光緒五年己卯八月二十四日乙醜），陳獨秀出生於安徽省安慶府城內（屬於懷寧縣）。他2歲時父親陳衍中因瘟疫死於蘇州懷寧會館，先後由祖父陳章旭以及長兄陳慶元撫養成人，在傢中學習《四書》、《五經》。1896年，17歲的陳獨秀通過院試成為秀纔，但在次年赴南京江南貢院參加鄉試落榜，未能考中舉人。1897年，考入杭州求是書院（浙江大學前身），學習法文和造船。同年與高曉嵐完婚。
1898年，陳獨秀赴東北嗣父陳昔凡處，1899年年底，義和團在山東起事，於是陳獨秀回到安慶。
留學與辦報
《青年雜志》第一期
《新青年》
五四運動中，國立北京大學的遊行隊伍1901年10月，陳獨秀首次留學日本，進東京弘文學院師範科學日語。1902年3月返回，組織青年勵志社。9月，陳獨秀再次赴日，讀東京成城學校陸軍科。陳獨秀在日本受到西方社會主義思想的影響。1903年3月31日夜，陳獨秀、張繼、鄒容3人強行剪去湖北陸軍學生監督姚昱的辮子，因而被遣送回國。
陳獨秀回到安慶後，1903年5月17日在藏書樓發表拒俄演說，創辦安徽愛國會。當公傢開始鎮壓時，陳獨秀逃往上海，和章士釗、謝曉石、張繼等人出版《國民日日報》，社址設在新閘新馬路梅初裏。同年12月1日，上海地方政府禁止出售國民日日報。此後，他回到安慶。
1904年3月31日，陳獨秀和房秩五、吳守一創辦白話文《安徽俗話報》，“讓安徽人通達時事，長點見識”。他擔任所有編輯和發行工作。報紙在不到半年的時間內發行量從1000份增加到3000份，成為最受歡迎的白話文報紙之一。這份報紙從1904年到1905年共出刊23期，每期有40頁，大約15000字。自第16版以後，該報又增加了16個話題，包括軍事、中國哲學、衛生學、天文學等。這些增加的話題幾乎都是他自己所寫，他使用三愛這個筆名，至少發表了50篇文章。後來由於受到政治壓力而停刊。
1905年秋，執教蕪湖皖江中學，在蕪湖發起成立反清組織“嶽王會”並任總會會長。1907年春，陳獨秀第三次留學日本，入東京正則英語學校學習，後入早稻田大學學習法國等西歐文化。
1908年陳獨秀從日本回國，在杭州浙江陸軍小學任國文史地教習。1911年，辛亥革命爆發，陳獨秀應邀回鄉任安徽都督府秘書長和安徽高等學堂教務主任。
1913年，陳獨秀追隨柏文蔚參加反袁項城“二次革命”，在蕪湖一度遭龔振鵬逮捕，後獲釋。
1914年春，反袁運動失敗後，陳獨秀再度赴日本，協助章士釗辦《甲寅》雜志。第一次使用筆名“獨秀”發表文章《愛國心與自覺心》一文，開宗明義提出“人民何故必建設國傢？其目的在保障權利，共謀幸福，斯成立國傢之精神。”文中指出，要有愛國心也要有自覺心，“惡國傢甚於無國傢”，如果是一個人民在其中沒有權利，無幸福可言的國傢，“瓜分之局，何法可逃，亡國之奴，何事可怖”，引起輿論嘩然，不少人指責其不愛國。
1915年夏，陳獨秀回到上海，住法租界嵩山路吉誼裏21號。9月15日創辦月刊青年雜志（由群益書社發行），次年更名為《新青年》（副題La Jeunesse），自任總編輯。（1926年停刊）陳獨秀在這份雜志的創刊號上發表《敬告青年》，提出6個原則：
1.自主的而非奴隸的
2.進步的而非保守的
3.進取的而非退隱的
4.世界的而非鎖國的
5.實利的而非虛文的
6.科學的而非想像的
宣傳倡導“德先生”（指“民主”Democracy）和“賽先生”（指“科學”Science），批判儒教和傳統道德，“打倒孔傢店”，因而成為新文化運動的中心，在青年人中影響很大。
陳獨秀在1917年二月號的《新青年》雜志26號發表《文學革命論》，認為中國社會黑暗的根源是“盤踞吾人精神界根深底固之倫理、道德、文學、藝術諸端”，單獨的政治革命不能生效，“充分以鮮血洗淨舊污”，需要先進行倫理道德革命，於是提出“三大主義”：“推倒雕琢的阿諛的貴族文學，建設平易的抒情的國民文學；推倒陳腐的鋪張的古典文學，建設新鮮的立誠的寫實文學；推倒迂晦的艱澀的山林文學，建設明了的通俗的社會文學。”主張改文言文為白話文，文章內容也要趨嚮實際。
1917年1月，蔡元培就任北京大學校長，聘任為北京大學文科學長並教授文學。得到北京大學校長的批準，他收集李大釗、鬍適、魯迅和錢沅的作品。為了擴大編輯部，他將《新青年》遷到北京。
1918年11月27日，陳獨秀和李大釗合辦《每周評論》雜志。1919年3月26日夜，蔡元培、湯爾和、馬敘倫、瀋尹默等在湯寓集會討論因媒體大加渲染的陳獨秀嫖娼案而引發的風波。1919年3月26日的夜晚，北京的湯爾和傢燈火通明，北大校長蔡元培和另兩位北大教員瀋尹默和馬敘倫正在這裏討論北大文科學長陳獨秀的去留問題。湯爾和不是北大員工，但當時他是左右北京學界的重要人物，甚至蔡元培執掌北大也有可能與他有關，所以參與了這場討論。同樣，瀋尹默和馬敘倫沒有在北大擔任要職，卻與湯爾和私交甚篤，也具有一定的發言權。這四個浙江人之所以湊在一起召開這個臨時會議，是因為北京有報紙刊登了陳獨秀因爭風抓傷某妓女下部的消息。人們幾乎都知道陳獨秀是“新青年”的領軍人物，卻很少知道他經常出入於當時的“紅燈區”八大鬍同。而蔡元培恰恰是一個註重道德教育的學者，陳獨秀曾加入他發起組織的“進德會”，成為甲種會員並以152票當選為評議員。按照規則，甲種會員必須遵守“不嫖、不賭、不娶妾”的要求。現在居然傳出陳獨秀的醜聞，自然要對他有所懲治。湯、蔡、瀋、馬四人連夜商量到十二點，方纔散去。不久之後，蔡元培主持北大教授會議，决定廢除學長製，成立由各科教授會主任組成的教務處。“教務長代替學長”這一體製更改本來定於暑假後實行，現在突然提前並且成為一場體面的人事變動。陳獨秀被不動聲色地解除文科學長職務，雖然繼續擔任教授、由校方給假一年，但他跟北京大學的關係卻從此破裂。這件事對陳獨秀的打擊，可以在湯爾和的日記中尋找到蛛絲馬跡。兩人在路上相遇，後者看到前者“面色灰敗，自北而南，以怒目視”。最終，就任北大文科學長不到三年的陳獨秀被北大“放逐”，此後接連在每周評論發表激進文章，如《每周評論》18號刊登的《二十世紀俄羅斯的革命》。4月20日，陳獨秀公開點章宗祥、曹汝霖、江庸、陸宗輿為親日派四大金剛。
1919年，五四運動爆發後，6月8日，陳獨秀在《每周評論》發表《研究室與監獄》，提出入監獄和入研究室，是青年人生最高尚最優美的生活。6月11日，陳獨秀在城南新世界遊藝場散發《北京市民宣言》被捕。9月16日保釋出獄。
創立中國共産黨1919年秋天，陳獨秀因風化問題被北京大學解職，前往上海。住在上海法租界環竜路漁陽裏2號。春，李大釗介紹共産國際遠東局外交人民委員部遠東事務全權代表維經斯基（吳廷康）及擔任翻譯的俄籍華人楊明齋來訪，策動陳獨秀發起成立中國共産黨。
1917年俄國十月革命後，陳獨秀和李大釗等開始研究馬剋思主義，新青年雜志開始宣傳社會主義。1920年8月，成立中國共産黨上海發起組。8月22日，俞秀鬆、羅亦農等人在陳獨秀傢中成立了社會主義青年團。
中共領袖時期的陳獨秀1920年，陳炯明占領廣州，孫中山率國民黨中央由上海遷往廣州，12月，陳獨秀應邀前往廣州任廣東省教育委員會委員長，由李達做代理書記。陳獨秀在廣東省立女子師範學校、廣東女界聯合會發表演說，批評傳統道德，引發當地守舊人士發起驅陳運動。這時，他與鬍適在新青年的政治立場上發生爭執，鬍適強調新青年應該在政治上保持中立，陳獨秀則在第8捲中發表《談政治》加以抨擊。
1921年7月，中國共産黨第一次全國代表大會在上海召開，陳獨秀沒有前去出席，而是派新婚的陳公博為廣州代表，又派包惠僧代表他出席，帶去他的信件和4點意見：“一曰培植黨員；二曰民權主義之指導；三曰紀律；四曰慎重進行徵服群衆政權問題。在會議上，陳獨秀被缺席選為中央局書記。
陳當選中共中央局書記後，即於9月回到上海。10月4日，他和楊明齋、柯慶施、包惠僧以及妻子高君曼5人曾一度被法租界巡捕房逮捕，被判罰100銀元。
陳後被選為黨的第二屆、第三屆中央執行委員會委員長，第四屆、第五屆中央委員會的總書記。
1922年7月16日至23日，中國共産黨在上海成都路召開“二大”。代表有陳獨秀、張國燾、李達、蔡和森、高君宇、王盡美、嚮警予、施存統等12人，會前，陳獨秀、張國燾、蔡和森起草了《宣言》，在大會通過，規定了黨的最高綱領和最低綱領。最低綱領，即消除內亂，打倒軍閥，建設國內和平，推翻國際的帝國主義的壓迫，達到中華民族完全獨立；最高綱領，即組織無産階級，用階級鬥爭的手段，建立勞農專政的政治，鏟除私有財産制度，漸次達到一個共産主義社會。大會選舉陳獨秀為中央執行委員會委員長。8月9日，陳獨秀再次被捕，罪名是傢中藏有違禁書籍。最後判罰陳獨秀大洋400元。
與共産國際的關係新生的中共在各方面都有賴於共産國際的幫助。1922年，共産國際指示中共與孫中山和中國國民黨合作，陳獨秀和幾乎所有中共領袖最初都表示反對。他也日益對莫斯科的意志和共産國際對中共的指揮感到不滿。但是到了同年8月20日，陳獨秀主持西湖會議，終於勉強表示服從馬林傳達的共産國際指示，同意加入國民黨。隨後陳獨秀等人加入了國民黨。並前往莫斯科參加共産國際四大。
陳獨秀一度將中共中央遷往北京，但在1923年二七罷工後，吳佩孚通緝陳獨秀、馬林，於是再度遷回上海。不久再遷廣州。1923年6月12日，陳獨秀在那裏主持召開中共三大，並再度當選為中央執行委員會委員長。1923年9月，中共中央遷回上海。
1927年3月21日，當國民黨北伐軍占領竜華時，中共在上海發動工人武裝暴動，陳獨秀在北四川路橫浜橋南鄭超麟傢裏，嚮前綫指揮部周恩來、趙世炎發佈命令，攻打閘北天通庵車站、商務印書館俱樂部和北火車站，占領了除租界以外的全上海。陳獨秀一度想掌握進入上海的東路軍第一軍第一師師長薛嶽，但是白崇禧將薛嶽調走，換上劉峙，於是陳獨秀下令加強上海工人糾察隊，準備進行防禦戰（蔣介石到上海），陳獨秀發表《告世界工人階級書》和《告中國工人階級書》。4月4日，陳獨秀與剛從國外回來的汪精衛發表《汪、陳聯合宣言》，並隨汪去武漢。
4月12日，工人糾察隊和蔣介石直接衝突，發生四一二政變，國共分裂。
4月底在中共五大仍然當選為總書記，但是已經沒有實權了。
7月12日，鮑羅廷遵照斯大林的指示，重新改組中共中央，由張國燾、張太雷、李維漢、李立三、周恩來組成臨時中央局兼常委。陳獨秀被停職，於是給臨時中央發了一封辭職信。7月15日，汪精衛發動七一五事變，共産國際和中共在中國的勢力中遭到近乎毀滅性的打擊。
8月7日，新來的共産國際代表羅明那茲在漢口主持八七會議，禁止陳獨秀參加，在會議上公開批判陳獨秀對國民黨妥協退讓，犯有嚴重的“右傾機會主義”錯誤。陳獨秀認為共産黨和國民黨都是吸收了中國當時最優秀青年的總匯。
與中共分道揚鑣此後，陳獨秀由於對共産國際不滿，傾嚮於托洛茨基的主張。不過，他也不贊成同樣背離共産國際路綫的毛澤東農民革命的思想。1929年11月16日，陳獨秀因在中東路等問題上發表不同意見，反對當時中共提出的“武裝保衛蘇聯”的口號，被開除黨籍。後發表《告全黨同志書》公開信。陳獨秀是少數經過30年代還幸存下來的中共領袖之一，但對自己所創建的政黨已經不再能産生任何影響。
1931年5月，陳獨秀出席中國各托派小組織的“統一大會”，被推選為中國托派組織的中央書記。
1932年10月15日，在國民黨巨額懸賞多年後，陳獨秀被上海公共租界巡捕房以創辦非法政黨的罪名逮捕，隨後移交南京政府。國民黨各地黨部、省主席、司令等紛紛致電中央要求予以嚴懲，共産黨也發表消息和稱他為資産階級走狗、反共先鋒的評論。（《紅色中華》1933年5月8日當日報道《托陳取消派嚮國民黨討饒》）另一方面，已經成為名動全國的大律師的章士釗主動免費為陳出庭辯護，鬍適之、傅斯年等人紛紛出來為其說話。[來源請求]
1932年12月8日，德國大科學家愛因斯坦去電蔣介石，請求將其釋放。此外，知名的學者羅素、杜威等人也嚮蔣介石做出同樣請求。但蔣介石不為所動。[來源請求]
1933年以判處13年有期徒刑，1933年4月，公開開庭審判，章士釗在法庭慷慨陳詞，贏得旁聽一片贊譽。結果，陳被“以文字為叛國之宣傳”判處有期徒刑13年。囚禁於南京老虎橋第一監獄。此後，其自辯和章的辯護詞在天津《益世報》全文登載，其他報紙也紛紛報道，一時轟動全國，曾出版過《獨秀文存》的亞東書局公開出版了陳案的資料匯編，還被上海滬東大學、東吳大學選為法學係的教材。判刑後囚禁於南京。在南京獄中，陳利用國民黨的優待條件，大量閱讀古今中外的書籍，潛心研究中國古代語言文字、孔子、道傢學說等，完成了不少有價值的學術論著。[來源請求]
1936年3月，在《火花》發表了《無産階級與民主主義》，指出“最淺薄的見解，莫如把民主主義看作是資産階級的專利”。稱“民主主義乃是人類社會進步的一種動力。”“斯大林不懂得這一點，拋棄了民主主義，代之於官僚主義，乃至於把黨，把各階級蘇维埃，把職工會，把整個無産階級政權，糟蹋的簡直比考茨基所預言的還要醜陋。”[來源請求]
晚年1937年8月23日陳獨秀提前獲釋。他曾嚮中國共産黨表示支持，共産黨也曾發表文章《陳獨秀先生到何處去》，並曾提出衹要陳可以承認當年的錯誤就可以恢復黨籍。但陳拒絶認錯後，王明、康生等人在一些共産黨的刊物上說陳獨秀接受日本津貼，做“日特漢姦”，陳寫信駁斥，雖然事件沒有進一步發展下去，但兩者關係已經惡化。王明失勢後，周恩來曾多次托人勸說陳獨秀去延安，均被拒絶。陳獨秀為此對好友說，黨內的熟人都已經離去或逝去，現在對共産黨已不熟悉。
此後他拒絶出任勞動部長，拒絶蔣介石出資讓他組織“新共黨”，拒絶鬍適的邀請去美國，拒絶譚平山要他出面組織第三黨的建議。
先後住在武漢、重慶。在重慶住院時，周恩來、朱藴山都去醫院看望過他，周更資助他100銀元，都被他拒絶。實際上當時他僅靠微薄稿費收入支撐，最後更被趕出醫院。陳最後長期隱居在四川江津，保持低調，而且轉嚮了自由主義。此後對文學和民主發展，繼續當年在獄中的研究，特別對斯大林時代的反思，也被後人認為難出其右者。
1942年5月27日陳獨秀因病於四川江津鶴山坪石墻院逝世，享年63歲。
影響及遺産
評價及影響
紀念與紀念地主條目：陳獨秀墓
陳獨秀逝世後，由於經濟拮据，傢屬無力將其歸葬安慶，衹能由當地士紳、生前友好資助，臨時厝於西門外鼎山鄧燮康園地。墓碑上刻有陳獨秀生前好友歐陽竟無寫的“獨秀先生之墓”6個字。1947年2月，陳獨秀三子陳鬆年根據父親遺言，將其歸葬於安慶北門葉傢衝（現屬十裏鋪），與元配夫人高曉嵐合於一塚。墓碑上刻“先考陳公乾生之墓”（陳乾生是陳獨秀參加科考時所用的名字）。1979年10月，陳鬆年得到當地有關部門同意和資助，以延年、喬年、鬆年、鶴年4個兒子的名義重修了墓地。碑文為傳統行文“陳公仲甫字獨秀、母高太夫人合葬之墓”。1982年安慶市政府確定陳獨秀墓為市級文物保護單位，又重修了墓塚。此次所立碑上刻着“陳獨秀之墓”五個字，石碑的背面僅有生卒年月，無其他字樣。1998年5月安徽省政府批準陳獨秀墓為省級重點文物保護單位。此後各級有關部門編列投資1300萬元，對陳獨秀墓進行全面修繕，現墓園占地總面積為1058.85平方米。墓坐北朝南，由墓塚、墓碑、墓臺、護欄、墓道構成。墓碑上刻着“陳獨秀先生之墓”七個大字。
另外，目前陳獨秀墓的門票價格為：人民幣10元（安慶市物價局價管字（2005）97號），但在陳獨秀紀念館未開門時並不收費。
2009年10月30日，陳獨秀紀念館在安慶建成並對遊客開放，這是迄今為止中國國內唯一係統展示陳獨秀一生的紀念性展館。
家庭元配高曉嵐（高大衆）（1876年-1930年9月9日），安徽六安霍丘臨淮鄉人，清末安徽統領副將高登科之女，育有三子一女。逝於安慶。
配偶高君曼（高小衆）（1888年-1931年），高曉嵐同父異母妹。育有二子一女。病逝於南京。
配偶潘蘭珍（1908年-1949年），江蘇南通人，因病去世於上海，無子女。
長子陳延年（1898年-1927年），曾任中共中央委員、政治局候補委員，廣東、浙江及江蘇區委書記。高曉嵐之子。
長女陳玉瑩（陳筱秀）（1900年-1928年），病逝於上海。
次子陳喬年（1902年-1928年），曾任中共中央委員，中共北方區委組織部部長、湖北省委組織部部長、湖北省委書記、江蘇省委組織部長等職。1928年6月6日，陳喬年在上海竜華的楓林橋畔就義。
三子陳光美（1907年-1999年），近年有證據表明此子是陳獨秀與高君曼早年所生並寄養在四川的，此子成年後才學超群，但長期隱居蜀中，由於歷史原因，此子一直未承認是陳獨秀兒子。
四子陳鬆年（1910年-1990年），曾任安慶市政協常委，安慶市文史館館員，安徽省文史館館員。
幼女陳子美（1912年-2004年），婦産科醫生。文革時經香港前往美加地區，後常住美國行醫。她逝世後中國駐紐約副總領事崔愛民前去吊唁。
幼子陳鶴年（陳哲民）（1913年-2000年），1949年後常住香港。曾任《科學模型》月刊編輯。
ChronologyOctober 9, 1879: Birth in Anqing, Anhui.
1879 to 1901: Early life and education in China.
1901 to 1908: Study in Japan, organising Republican revolutionary groups.
1908 to 1911: Working as a teacher.
1911 to 1915: Participation in the Xinhai Revolution, the post-revolution Republican government, the anti-Yuan Shikai revolution.
1915 to 1920: Leading figure in the May Fourth Movement.
1920 to 1927: Founding and leading the Communist Party of China
1927 to 1932: Leading Communist forces participating in the Northern Expedition, conflict with Chiang Kai-shek leading to the April 12 Incident and massacre of Communists, conflict with Comintern leading to expulsion from Communist Party. Becomes leader of Trotskyists in China.
1932 to 1937: Arrest by Kuomintang authorities and imprisonment.
1937 to 1942: Retires from public life.
May 27, 1942: Death due to heart attack.
Biography
Life in the Qing DynastyChen Duxiu was born in the city of Anqing (安慶), in Anhui (安徽) province. He was born to a wealthy family of officials, the youngest of four children. In his youth, he was described as volatile, emotional, intuitive, non-intellectual, and a defender of the underdog. His father died when Chen was two years old, and he was raised primarily by his grandfather; and, later, by his older brother.
Chen was given a traditional Confucian education by his grandfather, several private tutors, and his elder brother. A thorough knowledge of Confucian literary and philosophical works was the pre-requisites for civil service in Imperial China. Chen was an exceptional student, but this poor experiences taking the Confucian civil service exams resulted in a lifelong tendency to advocate unconventional beliefs and to criticize traditional ideas.
Chen took and passed the county-level imperial examination (鄉試) in 1896, and succeeded in the provincial-level examination (省試) the following year. He later wrote a sardonic memoir in which he reminisced about the filthy conditions, the dishonesty, and the incompetence that he observed when taking the official examinations. 1898, he passed the entrance exam and became a student of Qiushi Academy (currently Zhejiang University) in Hangzhou, where he studied French, English, and naval architecture. He moved to Nanjing in 1902, after he was reported to have given speeches attacking the Qing government, and then to Japan the same year. It was in Japan where Chen became influenced by socialism and the growing Chinese dissident movement. While studying in China, Chen helped to found two radical political parties, but refused to join Sun Yat-sen's Revolutionary Alliance (Tomngmenghui), which he regarded as narrowly racist. In 1907, Chen left Japan to visit France, before returning to Anhui to teach in a high school later that year. In 1908, he visited Manchuria before accepting a position at the Army Elementary School in Hangzhou.
Life in the Early RepublicAt the turn of the century, the Qing Dynasty (清朝) had suffered a series of humiliating military defeats against the colonial foreign powers, most recently in the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) and the war against the Alliance of Eight Nations that invaded China in reaction to the 1901 Boxer Rebellion. At the same time, widespread corruption within the Qing bureaucracy had left the empire in a state of total economic paralysis. Against this background Chen Duxiu became an increasingly influential activist in the revolutionary movement against both foreign imperialism and the Qing government itself.
Influenced by his time in Japan, Chen founded the Anhui Patriotic Association (安徽愛國會) in 1903 and the Yuewang Hui (岳王會) in 1905. He was an outspoken writer and political leader by the time of the Wuchang Uprising (武昌起義) of 1911, which led to the abdication of the last Qing emperor and the collapse of the Qing Dynasty. in 1912, Chen became the secretary general to the new military governor of Anhui, while also serving as the dean of a local highschool. Chen fled to Japan again in 1913 following the short-lived "Second Revolution" against Yuan Shikai (袁世凱), but returned to China soon afterwards.
In 1915, Chen founded the journal "Youth" in Shanghai. In 1916 the name was changed to "New Youth." It quickly became the most popular and widely distributed journal in China. This journal published articles attacking conservative Chinese morality and promoting individualism. The journal was highly critical of Confucianism, and carried articles promoting the adoption of a Western moral system valuing human rights, democracy, and science, which he believed Confucianism opposed. Chen used the journal to promote vernacular writing at the expense of traditional Confucian writing conventions.
Chen joined the faculty of Peking University in 1917 as the university's dean, at the invitation of Cai Yuanpei, who also paid for moving Chen's journal to Beijing. A Marxist study group at the university, led by Li Dazhao, attracted his attention in 1919. At the time, New Youth was highly popular, and Chen decided to run a special edition on Marxism with Li Dazhao as the edition's general editor. The edition of this magazine was the most detailed analysis of Marxism then published in China, and achieved wide readership due to the journal's popularity. Chen's decision to run this edition, and his activities in the May Fourth Movement that same year, motivated conservative opponents within the university to force his resignation in the fall of 1919. Around the time that he was forced out of Peking University, he was jailed for three months for distributing literatue that Peking authorities considered inflammatory, demanding that all pro-Japanese ministers resign, and that the government guarantee and freedom of speech and assembly. After his release, Chen moved to Shanghai and became more interested in Marxism and the promotion of rapid social change. His settlement in the French Concession allowed him to pursue his intellectual and scholarly interests free from official persecution.
Career Within the Chinese Communist Party
Founding the Chinese Communist PartyIn 1921, Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao and other prominent revolutionary leaders founded the Communist Party of China (中国共产党/中國共産黨). It has been generally asserted that Chen, Li and the other Chinese radicals of the time (including future chairman Mao Zedong) formed the CCP out of diligent study of Marxist theories, inspired by the Russian Revolution of 1917. However, many historian
now believe that, for this generation of Chinese radicals, Chen included, the road to Marxism was a long one, with numerous prominent members initially attracted to anarchism or anarcho-communism. Many of the prominent members of the party in 1920 had a very poor understanding of Marxist theory. Over time, the more prominent revolutionaries attracted to the early Chinese Communist Party eventually adopted a more orthodox interpretation of Communism, and were organized through the influence of a Comintern advisor, Grigori Voitinsky, who made a tour of China during 1920-21.
At the First Congress of the Communist Party in Shanghai, Chen was elected (in absentia) as the party's first General Secretary; and, with the assistance of Li Dazhao, he developed what would become a crucial cooperative relationship with the international Communist movement, the Comintern. This cooperation with the Comintern would later prove to be a problem for the fledgling CPC over the next decade, as aggressive foreign Comintern advisors would try to force policy according to the wishes of Moscow and against the will of many prominent CPC leaders, often for the national interest of the USSR. By 1922, the size of the entire Communist Party in China was only about 200 members, not counting those overseas. Chen remained as the undisputed leader of the Chinese Communist Party until 1927, and was often referred to as "China's Lenin" during this period.
Subsequent Efforts to Spread CommunismSoon after the founding of the Chinese Communist Party, in 1920, Chen accepted an invitation by a rebel governor in Guangzhou to serve as the head of the province's education board, but this position dissolved when the government returned to Nationalist control. At the direction of the Comintern, Chen and the Chinese Communists formed an alliance with Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) (Chinese: 中國國民黨; pinyin: Guómíndǎng) in 1922. Although Chen was not convinced of the utility of collaborating with the Kuomintang, he reluctantly carried out the Comintern's orders to do so. Pursuing collaboration with the Kuomintang, he was elected into that party's Central Committee in January, 1924.
In 1927, he and other high-ranking Communists, including Mao Zedong and Borodin, collaborated closely with Wang Jingwei's Nationalist government in Wuhan, convincing Wang's regime to adopt various proto-Communist policies. The Wuhan government's subsequent land reform policies were considered provocative enough to influence various KMT-aligned generals to attack Wang's regime, suppressing it. Chen was forced to resign as General Secretary in 1927, due to his public dissatisfaction with the Comintern order to disarm during the April 12 Incident, which had led to the deaths of thousands of Communists, and because of his disagreement with the Comintern's new focus on peasant rebellions.
Conflict with MaoChen came into conflict with Mao Zedong in 1925 over Mao's essay "An Analysis of Classes in Chinese Society". Although Mao had been one of Chen's students,
he had begun to question Chen's analyses of China. While Chen believed that the focus of revolutionary struggle in China should primarily concern the workers, Mao had started to theorize about the primacy of the peasants. According to Han Suyin in Mortal Flower, Chen "opposed the opinions expressed [in Mao's analysis], denied that a radical land policy and the vigorous organization of the rural areas under the Communist party was necessary, and refused the publication of the essay in the central executive organs of publicity."
Although he recognized the value of Mao's interpretation of Marxism in inciting the Chinese peasants and labourers to revolution, Chen opposed Mao's rejection of the strong role of the bourgeoisie that Chen had hoped to achieve. During the last years of his life, Chen denounced Joseph Stalin's dictatorship, and held that various democratic institutions, including independent judiciaries, opposition parties, a free press, and free elections, were important and valuable. Because of Chen's opposition to Mao's interpretation of Communism, Mao believed that Chen was incapable of providing a robust historical materialist analysis of China. This dispute would eventually lead to the end of Chen and Mao's friendship and political association.
Expelled by the PartyAfter the collaboration between the Communists and Nationalists collapsed in 1927, the Comintern blamed Chen, and systematically removed him from all positions of leadership. In 1929, he was expelled. Afterwards, Chen became associated with the International Left Opposition of Leon Trotsky. Like Chen, Trotsky opposed many of the policies of the Comintern, and publicly criticized the Comintern's effort to collaborate with the Nationalists. Chen eventually became the voice of the Trotskyists in China, attempting to regain support and influence within the party, but failed. Chen continued to oppose measures like "New Democracy" and the "Bloc of Four Classes" advocated by Mao Zedong.
Last Years
Taken in the First Nanjing Prison in the spring of the 26th year of the Republic In 1932, Chen was arrested by the government of the Shanghai International Settlement, where he had been living since 1927, and extradited to Nanjing. Chen was then tried and sentenced to fifteen years in prison by the Nationalist government. Chen was released on parole in 1937, after the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War.
Chen was one of the few early leaders of the Communist party to survive the turmoil of the 1930s, but he was never able to regain any influence within the party he had founded. For the last decade of his life, he faded into obscurity. Chen later embraced a form of libertarian socialism,
and refused to side either with the Nationalists or CCP. At the time that he was released, both the supporters of Chen and the pro-Comintern leaders who opposed him had either been killed or had fallen out of favor with the Communist membership. The Chinese Communist Party only managed to survive the purges by fleeing to the northern frontier in the Long March of 1934-5, during which Mao Zedong emerged as leader. Mao and this new generation of Communists would lead the party in China for the next fifty years.
After his release, Chen travelled from place to place until the summer of 1938, when he arrived at the wartime capital of Chongqing and took a position teaching at a junior high school. In poor health and with few remaining friends, Chen Duxiu later retired to Jiangjing, a small town west of Chongqing, where he died in 1942 at the age of 62. Today, he is buried at his birthplace of Anqing.
LegacyAfter the founding of the PRC in 1949, Chen's example was used to warn Communist Party members not to deviate from party orthodoxy. In the Hundred Flowers Campaign, the example of Chen in collaborating with Wang Jingwei's Wuhan government, leading to the ostracism of his peers and the failure of Communist policies at the time, was used by Peng Zhen as a warning never to "forgive" anti-Maoists. After Mao died in 1976, Hua Guofeng gave a speech praising Mao's suppression of "Right and 'Left' Opportunist lines of the Party" as one of the late Chairman's greatest achievements: Chen's was the first person to be named as being correctly suppressed; Deng Xiaoping was the last. Subsequent generations of Chinese have since re-assessed Chen's contributions to Chinese Communism as being somewhat more positive.
Literature
Writing StyleChen felt that his articles should reflect the needs of society. He believed that the progress of society could not be achieved without those who accurately report social weaknesses and sicknesses.
Chen's articles were always expressive. He criticized the traditional Chinese officials as corrupt and guilty of other wrongdoings. He was under constant attack from conservatives in China, and had to flee to Japan four times. In China, he spent much of his life in the French Concession and the Shanghai International Settlement in order to pursue his writing and scholarly activities free from official harassment.
Chen's articles strove to attract publicity, and often arouse discussion by using hyperbole. He emphasized his sadness about the backwardness and corruption in China so that people suffering would be willing to send him their opinions. In New Youth, he wrote various articles using pseudonyms to form "discussions", in order to arouse public interest.
Chen's publications emphasized the responses from their audience. In New Youth there were forums and citizens' columns. On average, there were 6 letters from the public in each issue. Whether in praise or strong opposition, Chen encouraged all to write. He also thought that teamwork was very important in journalism, and consequently asked for help from many talented authors and journalists, including Hu Shih and Lu Xun.
Journalistic Work
Anhui Suhua BaoOn March 31, 1904, Chen founded Anhui Suhua Bao (安徽俗話報), a newspaper that he established with Fang Zhiwu (房秩五) and Wu Shou (吴守) in Tokyo to promote revolutionary ideas using vernacular Chinese, which was simple to understand and easy for the general public to read. While Chen was the chief secretary of the newspaper, its circulation increased from only a thousand copies to more than three times that figure in less than half a year, becoming one of the most popular vernacular Chinese newspapers in print at that time. During 1904 and 1905, a total of twenty-three issues were published. Each issue had 40 pages - about 15,000 words. However, due to political pressures, the paper was barred from publishing in 1905.
Chen had three main objectives in publishing Anhui Suhua Bao (安徽俗話報): to let his countrymen in Anhui keep abreast of the politics of the Qing Dynasty; to spread knowledge to the paper's readers through vernacular Chinese; and, to promote revolutionary ideas to the public. Chen believed that most Chinese believed that the importance of the family was greater than that of the state, and that this limited their interest in political events. He also found Chinese people in general to be excessively superstitious. Chen urged Chinese people to participate in politics through the publication of Anhui Suhua Bao (安徽俗話報). After its sixteenth issue, the newspaper added an extra 16 columns, the most popular were on military events, Chinese philosophy, hygiene, and astronomy. Almost all of these additional topics were written by Chen. His pen-name was San'ai (三愛). At least 50 articles were published under this name.
Tokyo Jiayin MagazineIn early 1914, Chen went to Japan, where he worked as an editor and writer in the Tokyo Jiayin Magazine, (甲寅雜誌) which was published by Zhang Shizhao (章士釗). Chen once wrote an article entitled "Self Consciousness on Patriotism" (愛國心與自覺) which conveyed a strong sense of patriotism and encouraged people to fight for their freedom. It promoted the idea that those who love their country should spare no pains to protect it, and should fight for the rights of its citizens. This group of people should work together towards the same goal harmoniously. The article was threatening to the Yuan Shikai's government, as it tried to arouse the self-consciousness of the Chinese people. This preliminary magazine was released for 10 issues in total, before it was prevented from publishing. The magazine was resumed in 1925 in Beijing with the new name Tokyo Jiayin Weekly (甲寅周刊).
New Youth MagazineIn 1915, Chen started an influential monthly periodical in the French Concession of Shanghai, The Youth Magazine (青年雜誌), which was later renamed La Jeunesse (新青年, literally New Youth). It became one of the most influential magazines among the students who participated in the May Fourth Movement. Chen was the chief editor of this periodical. It was published by Qunyi shushe (群益書社), and ended publication in 1926. The magazine mainly advocated the use of vernacular language, socialism, and Marxism, and was strongly against feudalism.
In 1917, Chen became a lecturer of Chinese Literature, and a Dean of Peking University（北京大学). Having the approval from the Cai Yuanpei, the Chancellor of the Peking University, Chen collected the writings of the students which he appreciated most, which especially included Li Dazhao (李大釗), Hu Shih (胡適), Lu Xun (鲁迅) and Qian Yuan (錢沅). In order to expand the editorial department, New Youth was moved to Beijing at this time, and in February 1917, Chen used New Youth to promote science, democracy and modern literature, and to discourage the study of paleography and classical Chinese literature. The magazine began to advocate the use of the scientific method and Logical arguments towards the achievement of political, economic, social, ethical, and democratic goals.
New Youth focused on different concerns during various phases of its development. From 1915 to 1918 it opposed Chinese conservatism (especially conservatism associated with Confucianism) and promoted the development of democracy. During this phase, it became influential among the New Culture Movement. From 1919 to 1921, until the formation of the Chinese Communist Party, it focused on promoting socialism, and Marxism. From 1921 to 1926, it published and disseminated the prevailing views of the members of the Communist Party.
Minor PublicationsThe Shanghai local government banned the sale of a publication called "Guomin Ribao" (國民日報) on December 1, 1903. After this, Chen twice planned to found a paper called "Aiguo Xinbao" (愛國新報), but failed because of pressure from different groups. Chen continued to express his discontent towards the government in his later publications. When Anhui Suhua Bao (安徽俗話報) was published on March 31, 1904, Chen was responsible for all editing and distribution.
On November 27, 1918, Chen started another magazine, the Weekly Review (每週評論) with Li Dazhao (李大釗) in order to criticize the politics of his time in a more direct way and to promote democracy, science, and modern literature. Chen also edited Tokyo Jiayin Magazine (甲寅雜誌) and Science Magazine (科學雜誌). Later, he became the Editor-in-Chief of the newspapers Minli Bao (民立報) and Shenzhou Daily (神州日報).
From 1908 to 1910, two students at Peking University, Deng Zhongxia (鄧中夏) and Xu Deheng (許德珩), founded the Guomin magazine (國民雜誌) and invited Li Dazhao (李大釗) to be a consultant for the magazine. From 1912 to 1913, Chen, with the assistance of Luo Jialun (羅家倫) and Fu Sinian (傅斯年), published a paper named Xinchao She (新潮社).
Chen's Contribution to Chinese JournalismChen set a precedent for future writers via the intentionally controversial nature of his publications. He insisted on telling the truth to the Chinese people and strengthening the Chinese media for later generations. By publishing newspapers and magazines concerning political issues, Chen provided a channel for the general public to express their ideas or discontent towards the existing government. Chen believed that the purpose of mass media was to reveal the truth. At a young age, Chen had already established his first periodical, Guomin Ribao (國民日報), in which he criticized many social and political problems evident in the late Qing Dynasty. With a view to the things mentioned above, his contribution was said to be influential to journalism as a whole. Chen's writing brought the standards of Chinese journalism closer to those of other, more libearal societies of his time.
PoetryIn 1918, New Youth published contemporary poetry by Hu Shih (胡適) and Liu Bannong (劉半農), written in vernacular Chinese, becoming one of the first publications in China to encourage poetry in vernacular Chinese. Eventually, every article in New Youth were written in vernacular Chinese. New Youth was one of the first publications in China to adopt and use punctuations marks, and popularized their use through its popularity and wide readership.
Final Letters and ArticlesGregor Benton compiled and translated into English the last of Chen Duxiu's writings, publishing them under the title "Chen Duxiu's last articles and letters, 1937-1942".
Intellectual contributions and dispute
Crisis with Cai YuanpeiIn the second edition of New Youth, Chen prepared to publish Cai Yuanpei's speech, the "Speech on Freedom of Religion" (蔡元培先生在信教自由會之演說), along with an editorial interpreting its meaning and significance. Before its appearance in New Youth, Cai criticized Chen for misinterpreting this speech. Chen later admitted that "the publication of my speech in New Youth included a number of mistakes." Fortunately, Cai did not become angry with Chen and the publication was then amended before publishing.
Crisis with Hu ShihThis crisis was about the political stand of New Youth. Hu Shih insisted that New Youth should be politically neutral and the publication should be concerned with Chinese philosophy. Chen attacked his rationale by publishing "Talking Politics" (談政治) in the 8th edition. Because Chen was invited by Chen Jiongming (陳炯明) to be the Education officer in Guangzhou in mid-December 1920, he decided to assign the publication to Mao Dun (茅盾), who belonged to the Shanghai Communist Party.
Hu Shih was dissatisfied with this responsibility and their friendship and professional relationship ended. Later, Chen wrote to Hu Shih about his dissatisfaction with Hu’s intimacy with many conservative faculty members of Peking University. Especially troubling to Chen was Hu's relationship with Liang Qichao (梁啟超), a supporter of the Duan Qirui (段祺瑞) government and their anti-new wave ideology, which made Chen greatly dissatisfied.
Anti-ConfucianismChen suggested six guiding principles in New Youth with an article called "Warning the youth" (敬告青年). This article was aimed at removing the old beliefs of Confucianism. "Warning the Youth" promoted six values:
1.Independence instead of servility;
2.Progressivism instead of conservatism;
3.Aggression instead of passivity;
4.Cosmopolitanism instead of isolationism;
5.Utilitarian beliefs instead of impractical traditions;
6.Scientific knowledge instead of visionary insight.
New Youth was one of the most influential magazines in early modern Chinese history. Chen introduced many new ideas into popular Chinese culture, including individualism, democracy, humanism, and the use of the scientific method, and he advocated the abandonment of Confucianism for the adoption Communism.
Seen in this light, New Youth found itself in a position to provide an alternative intellectual influence for many young people. Under the banners of democracy and science, traditional Confucian ethics became the target of attack from New Youth. In its first issue, Chen called for young generation to struggle against Confucianism by "theories of literary revolution" (文學革命論).
To Chen, Confucianism was to be rooted out because:
1.It advocated superfluous ceremonies and preached the morality of meek compliance, making the Chinese people weak and passive, unfit to struggle and compete in the modern world.
2.It promoted family values and rejected the idea that the individual was the basic unit of society.
3.It upheld the inequality of the status of individuals.
4.It stressed filial piety, which made men subservient and dependent.
5.It preached orthodoxy of thought, disregarding freedom of thinking and expression.
Chen called for the destruction of tradition, and his attacks on traditionalism gave new options to the youth of his time. This magazine as a major influence within the May Fourth Movement.