| 姓： | 愛新覺羅 | |||||||||
| 名： | 胤禛 | |||||||||
| 網筆號： | 清世宗 | |||||||||
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清世宗雍正清世宗年輕時跟從顧八代、徐元夢等學習經史，又與禪僧接近，稍懂佛學。曾隨聖祖巡幸江南，朝佛五臺山，秋獮熱河(今河北承德)，並奉命往祭麯阜孔廟、盛京(今遼寧瀋陽)祖陵。清聖祖親徵噶爾丹，從徵掌正紅旗大營。康熙末年，同其他皇子爭為儲君。聖祖駕崩後，他在十三皇子胤祥的幫助下繼承帝位。又傳他在隆科多的幫助下奪了撫遠大將軍胤禵的帝位。雍正繼承帝位究竟是康熙親傳，還是篡改遺詔篡位，是一個有爭議的問題，尚無定論。
清世宗即位時已四十五歲，加之前此的經歷，使他比較瞭解世情，並具有豐富的統治經驗。即位後，他在政治上采取多種措施以鞏固自己的皇位。首先是消除異己，分化瓦解諸皇子集團，將胤禵從西北軍前召回，加以圈禁。晉封胤禩為廉親王和總理事務大臣。將胤禟發往青海西大通(今青海大通西北)。鑒於清朝沒有行之有效的立儲制度，常因皇位繼承權産生爭端，創立了秘密立儲制度。雍正元年(1723)，接受山西巡撫諾岷的建議，施行耗羨歸公和養廉銀的措施，以此限製、減少官員的貪贓舞弊和橫徵暴斂。二年，又針對康熙末年各地虧空錢糧嚴重，决定嚴格清查，對貪官污吏即行抄傢追贓，對民間拖欠，命在短期內分年帶徵。三年，世宗以作威作福、結黨營私之名，責令撫遠大將軍年羹堯自盡，同時削隆科多太保，後圈禁致死。並因此株連出汪景祺《西徵隨筆》案和查嗣庭試題案。七年，發生曾靜遣其徒張熙策動川陝總督嶽鐘琪謀反的投書案，牽連到已故理學家呂留良，世宗遂大興文字獄，以作為控製思想、打擊政敵、提高自己權威的手段。同年，為適應西北用兵之需，始設軍機房(十年時改軍機處)，選親重大臣協辦軍務。軍機大臣衹能繕述皇帝命令，本身無贊畫權，因而使皇帝更加集權於一身。他還在題本、奏本之外，命督撫布按等地方大員密折奏事，以加強皇帝對地方行政的控製。
在經濟上采取了一些旨在發展農業生産的措施。雍正二年，開始實行直隸巡撫李維鈞提出的“攤丁入畝” 的賦役制度，同時宣佈取消儒戶、宦戶，限製紳衿特權，使無論貧富力役負擔比較合理。同時，為瞭解决人口日益增長所需糧食問題，更加嚴格地執行傳統的重農抑末方針，鼓勵墾荒，強調糧食生産，反對種植經濟作物，並反對開礦和發展手工業。他註意興修水利，除治理黃河、建築浙江海塘外，命怡親王胤祥在直隸開展營田水利，在寧夏修築和疏瀎水渠。與此同時，實行社會改革。雍正元年，下令削除山西、陝西樂籍，並命其他賤籍也照此辦理。後來浙江紹興惰民、安徽徽州“伴當 ”、寧國世僕、廣東疍戶、江蘇常熟丐戶相繼開豁為良，從而打擊了殘存的蓄奴制度，對社會發展起了積極作用。
世宗在位期間還註意同少數民族的關係及外交關係。雍正四年，根據雲貴總督鄂爾泰的建議，大規模地推行改土歸流政策，取消雲南、貴州、廣西、湖南、四川等省的一些土司，加強了中央對該地區的統治。五年，清廷同俄國訂立了《布連斯奇條約》和《恰剋圖條約》 ，在劃定中俄邊界及處理兩國通商問題等方面，維護了國傢主權。
清世宗把他批閱過的奏摺選擇一部分輯成《朱批諭旨》 。他對臣工的諭旨，由張廷玉等紀錄編成《上諭內閣》 、 《上諭八旗》 。他的各種體裁的文章被後人輯為《御制文集》 。雍正十三年，世宗卒。謚憲皇帝。
主要功績
整頓吏治。雍正皇帝即位之初，吏治廢弛，貪污腐敗已然成風。他剋服各個方面的阻力，在全國上下大規模的開展清查虧空，設立會考府，實行耗羨歸公，實行養廉銀制度，取締陋規等多項工作，由於他態度决斷，雷厲風行，清朝的財政狀況在短時間內得到明顯改善，官吏貪污吏治腐敗的壞況都有很大的轉變。旅日華人學者楊啓樵說：“康熙寬大，乾隆疏闊，要不是雍正的整飭，清朝恐早衰亡。”有“雍正一朝，無官不清”的說法。
攤丁入畝。這是一項重大的賦稅改革。中國自古就有人丁稅，成年男子，不論貧富，均須繳納人頭稅。雍正實行改革，將人丁稅攤入地畝，按地畝之多少，定納稅之數目。地多者多納，地少者少納，無地者不納。是謂"攤丁入地",一舉取消了人頭稅。這項措施有利於貧民而不利於地主，是我國財政賦稅史上的一項重大改革。耗羨歸公。我國古代以銀、銅為貨幣，徵稅時，銀兩在兌換、熔鑄、保存、運解中有一定損耗，故徵稅時有一定附加費。此項附加費稱"耗羨"或"火耗",一嚮由地方州縣徵收，作為地方辦公及官吏們的額外收入。耗羨無法定徵收額，州縣隨心所欲，從重徵收，有的抽正稅一兩、耗羨達五六錢，人民負擔甚重。雍正實行"耗羨歸公",將此項附加費變為法定稅款、固定稅額，由督撫統一管理，所得稅款，除辦公費用外，作為"養廉銀",大幅度提高官吏們的俸入。這樣，既減輕了人民負擔，又保證了廉政的推行。故雍正說:"自行此法以來，吏治稍得澄清，閭閻鹹免擾纍。" 這就是所謂的“高薪養廉”。
創立軍機處，推廣奏摺制度。明代權力集於內閣，故有權相産生。清雍正把權力進一步集中在皇帝手中，創立軍機處，作為皇帝的秘書班子，為皇帝出主意、寫文件，理政務，"軍國大計，罔不總攬"。其特點是處理政事精簡速密。軍機大臣直接與各地、各部打交道，瞭解地方情形，傳達皇帝意旨。此機構存在200年，直至清末。與創立軍機處伴隨的是推廣奏摺制度。由於以前的官文書批轉手續繁復，且經多人閱看，時間拖延且難於保密，而奏摺則嚮皇帝直接呈送，直達皇帝本人。雍正擴大了可嚮皇帝上奏摺的人數，不同身份的官吏可以及時反映情況，報告政務，使皇帝洞察下情，以便製定政策;也使官員們相互監督，皇帝得以瞭解他們的賢愚、勤惰、政績、操守。
改土歸流。我國西南及其他一些少數民族聚居的地區，實行土司制度，其職務為世襲，僅名義上接受清朝的册封。土司們生殺予奪、驕恣專擅。這種制度妨礙了國傢的統一和地區經濟文化的發展。雍正即位後，廢除了雲南、貴州、廣西、四川、湖南各地的許多土司，改成和全國一致的州縣制度。"改土歸流"是一場嚴重的鬥爭，許多土司武裝反抗，雍正堅决派兵平定。在平叛戰爭中雖然也纍及無辜，給少數民族造成傷害，但從長遠來說，"改土歸流"是進步的措施，打擊和限製了土司的割據和特權，對民族地區的經濟文化發展有利。
雍正前期嚴格執行海禁，但後因考慮沿海的確百姓疾苦，於雍正五年開放洋禁。允許民人往南洋貿易。海禁施行於閩、粵兩省。雍正對當時的鴉片貿易也較為重視，他的鴉片政策是：販賣毒品，嚴懲不貸，嚴格區分藥用鴉片與毒品鴉片煙，毒品嚴禁，藥用不干涉，且照顧小本商人的正當利益。對待西歐來的使者，雍正也以禮相待。他雖竭力反對天主教等在中國民間的傳播（這其中一部分的原因也在於封建皇帝思想的保守性），但同時，他對天主教也並無惡意，五年，博爾都噶爾（今葡萄牙）使臣麥德樂來京。雍正對他的優待，使他深為感激。甚至於雍正壽辰之時，在天主堂作祈禱，為之祝壽。雍正還選了一些有才能的傳教士在宮中研製外國儀器和燒造材料。馬戛爾尼當年來華，有一部分原因是雍正在伏爾泰筆下的“開明”為歐洲人所共知，使他們對中國皇帝（當時是乾隆）與對華通商充滿了美好的幻想。
作為一個封建皇帝，他雖然開放洋禁，為南方沿海一部分人民恢復康熙末年被剝奪的謀生手段，促進中國與南洋地區進行經濟文化交流，但同時，他也不可避免地具有其局限性。
另外，廢除賤籍，廢除腰斬也是他一個功績。其實，廢除腰斬的原因是這樣的：雍正皇帝有一次殺了一個人，是用腰斬，因為腰斬是一刀從腰部砍下去，砍下去之後人還活着，這個人在被砍之後，用手指蘸着血在地上連寫七個“慘”字，雍正皇帝聽說之後覺得非常慘，所以就下令廢除腰斬。
他在位短短的13年所做出的改革，比他父親（康熙）所做出的改革還要多。可以說雍正是一個改革型的皇帝。
清世宗勤於政務，大力清除康熙統治後期的各種積弊，取得一定成效，對清代歷史發展有一定貢獻。但他統治嚴酷，猜忌多疑，刻薄寡恩，這是他性格的弱點，從而容易得罪很多官僚階級。同時，也正是因為他的嚴厲統治和超乎尋常的努力當中大清帝國逐漸走嚮鼎盛，也纔為康乾盛世起了承前啓後的作用。
另外，雍正的勤奮不僅是過去皇帝，就算在現代領導人，也沒有幾個可以跟他媲美的。他在位12年8個月裏頭，幾乎每天都工作到深夜。一年之中衹有在他生日那天才會休息。而且每天的睡眠還不夠4個小時。僅僅在數萬件奏摺中所寫下的批語，就多達1000多萬字。
家庭組成
生於康熙十七年（1678年）十月三十。母孝恭仁皇后十一歲前為孝懿仁皇后養子。康熙親徵葛爾丹時，胤禛奉命掌管正紅旗大營。20歲，被封為貝勒，31歲，晉雍親王。康熙駕崩，胤禛即位，為雍正帝。
雍正子女
雍正皇帝先後得十子四女，皇長子和皇次子幼年去世。密詔中，雍正把皇位傳給皇四子寶親王弘歷，即乾隆。命皇三子弘時自斃。皇五子弘晝從小軟弱，未能也無意和兄長們爭位。
愛新覺羅·弘暉，長子，端親王。
愛新覺羅·弘時，三子，削宗籍。
愛新覺羅·弘歷，四子，清高宗，乾隆帝。
愛新覺羅·弘晝，五子，和恭親王。
愛新覺羅·弘瞻，六子，果恭郡王，後為果毅親王愛新覺羅·允禮之後。
愛新覺羅·福惠，七子，懷親王。
愛新覺羅·弘昀，早殤。
愛新覺羅·弘昐，早殤。
愛新覺羅·福宜，早殤。
愛新覺羅·福沛，早殤。
長女（1694年），康熙三十三年三月十六生，未逾月殤，母懋嬪宋氏（時為雍親王府格格）；
和碩懷恪公主，次女，母齊妃李氏（時為雍親王側妃）；
三女（1706年），康熙四十五年十二月初五生，未逾月殤，母懋嬪宋氏（時為雍親王府格格）；
四女（1715年—1717年），康熙五十四年三月十二生，五十六年五月殤，母敦肅皇貴妃年氏（時為雍親王側妃）
養女和碩淑慎公主，理親王允礽第六女，母側福晉唐氏；
養女和碩和惠公主，怡親王允祥第四女，母嫡福晉兆佳氏；
養女和碩端柔公主，莊親王允祿長女，母嫡福晉郭絡羅氏。
全部皇子按出生先後統排|生卒年|玉牒排序|日常生活中排行稱呼|
一、弘暉|康熙三十六年三月生，康熙四十三年殤8歲|第一子|
二、弘昐|康熙三十六年六月生，康熙三十八年二月殤3歲| 無 |
三、弘昀|康熙三十九年八月生，康熙四十九年殤11歲|第二子|
四、弘時|康熙四十三年二月生，雍正五年八月六日死24歲|第三子|皇三子，三阿哥
五、弘歷|康熙五十年八月生，嘉慶四年正月死89歲|第四子|皇四子、四阿哥、寶親王|
六、弘晝|康熙五十年十一月生，乾隆三十五年死60歲|第五子|皇五子、五阿哥、和親王|
七、福宜|康熙五十九年五月生，康熙六十年正月殤2歲| 無 |
八、福慧|康熙六十年十月生，雍正六年九月殤8歲| 無 |八阿哥|
九、福沛|雍正元年五月生，旋殤| 無 |
十、弘曕|雍正十一年六月生、乾隆三十年三月死33歲|第六子|六阿哥、圓明園阿哥、果郡王。
弘曕是雍正第十個兒子，序齒排行為六。
世宗十子：
孝敬憲皇后生端親王弘暉，
孝聖憲皇后生高宗，
純愨皇貴妃耿佳氏生和恭親王弘晝
敦肅皇貴妃年佳氏生福宜、懷親王福惠、福沛
謙妃劉氏生果恭郡王弘瞻
齊妃李氏生弘昀、弘時、弘昐
弘曕後為果毅親王允禮後。弘昀、弘昐、福宜、福沛皆殤，無封。
弘時雍正五年以放縱不謹，削宗籍，無封。
端親王弘暉，世宗第一子。八歲殤。高宗即位，追封親王，謚曰端。
和恭親王弘晝，世宗第五子。雍正十一年，封和親王。十三年，設辦理苗疆事務處，命高宗與弘晝領其事。乾隆間，預議政。弘晝少驕抗，上每優容之。嘗監試八旗子弟於正大光明殿，日晡，弘晝請上退食，上未許。弘晝遽曰：“上疑吾買囑士子耶？”明日，弘晝入謝，上曰：“使昨答一語，汝齏粉矣！”待之如初。性復奢侈，世宗雍邸舊貲，上悉以賜之，故富於他王。好言喪禮，言：“人無百年不死者，奚諱為？”嘗手訂喪儀，坐庭際，使傢人祭奠哀泣，岸然飲啖以為樂。作明器象鼎彝盤盂，置幾榻側。三十年，薨，予謚。子永璧，襲。三十七年，薨，謚曰勤。子綿倫，襲郡王。三十九年，薨，謚曰謹。弟綿循，襲。嘉慶二十二年，薨，謚曰恪。子奕亨，襲貝勒。卒，子載容，襲貝子。同治中，加貝勒銜。卒，謚敏恪。子溥廉，襲鎮國公。
懷親王福惠，世宗第七子。八歲殤。高宗即位，追封親王，謚曰懷。
雍正後妃
世宗孝敬憲皇后，烏喇那拉氏，滿洲正黃旗人，內大臣費揚古女。世宗為皇子，聖祖册後為嫡福晉。雍正元年，册為皇后。九年九月己醜，崩。時上病初愈，欲親臨含斂，諸大臣諫止。上諭曰：“皇后自垂髫之年，奉皇考命，作配朕躬。結褵以來，四十餘載，孝順恭敬，始終一致。朕調理經年，今始全愈，若親臨喪次，觸景增悲，非攝養所宜。但皇后喪事，國傢典儀雖備，而朕禮數未周。權衡輕重，如何使情文兼盡，其具議以聞。”諸大臣議，以明會典皇后喪無親臨祭奠之禮，令皇子朝夕奠，遇祭，例可遣官，乞停親奠，從之。謚孝敬皇后。及世宗崩，合葬泰陵。乾隆、嘉慶纍加謚，曰孝敬恭和懿順昭惠莊肅安康佐天翊聖憲皇后。
孝聖憲皇后，鈕祜祿氏，滿洲鑲黃旗人，四品典儀凌柱女。後年十三，事世宗潛邸，號格格。康熙五十年八月庚午，高宗生。雍正中，封熹妃，進熹貴妃。高宗即位，以世宗遺命，尊為皇太後，居慈寧宮。高宗事太後孝，以天下養，惟亦兢兢守傢法，重國體。太後偶言順天府東有廢寺當重修，上從之。即召宮監，諭：“汝等嘗侍聖祖，幾曾見昭聖太後當日令聖祖修蓋廟宇？嗣後當奏止！”宮監引悟真庵尼入內，導太後弟入蒼震門謝恩，上屢誡之。上每出巡幸，輒奉太後以行，南巡者三，東巡者三，幸五臺山者三，幸中州者一。謁孝陵，獮木蘭，歲必至焉。遇萬壽，率王大臣奉觴稱慶。
乾隆十六年，六十壽；二十六年，七十壽；三十六年，八十壽：慶典以次加隆。先期，日進壽禮九九。先以上親製詩文、書畫，次則如意、佛像、冠服、簪飾、金玉、犀象、瑪瑙、水晶、玻璃、琺琅、彝鼎、赩器、書畫、綺綉、幣帛、花果，諸外國珍品，靡不具備。太後為天下母四十餘年，國傢全盛，親見曾玄。
四十二年正月庚寅，崩，年八十六。葬泰陵東北，曰泰東陵。初尊太後，上徽號。國有慶，屢加上，曰崇德慈宣康惠敦和裕壽純禧恭懿安祺寧豫皇太後。既葬，上謚。嘉慶中，再加謚，曰孝聖慈宣康惠敦和誠徽仁穆敬天光聖憲皇后。子一，高宗。
敦肅皇貴妃，年氏，漢軍鑲黃旗人，巡撫遐齡女。事世宗潛邸，為側福晉。雍正元年，封貴妃。三年十一月，妃病篤，進皇貴妃。並諭妃病如不起，禮儀視皇貴妃例行。妃薨逾月，妃兄羹堯得罪死。謚曰敦肅皇貴妃。乾隆初，從葬泰陵。子三：福宜、福惠、福沛，皆殤。女一，亦殤。
純愨皇貴妃，耿氏，滿洲鑲黃旗人。事世宗潛邸，為格格。雍正間，封裕嬪，進裕妃。高宗時，屢加尊為裕皇貴太妃。乾隆四十九年，薨，年九十六。謚曰純愨皇貴妃。葬妃園寢，位諸妃上。子一，弘晝。
世宗諸妃，又有：齊妃，李氏。事世宗潛邸，為側室福晉。雍正間，封齊妃。子三：弘昐、弘昀，皆殤；弘時。女一，下嫁星德。謙妃，劉氏。事世宗潛邸，號貴人。雍正間，封謙嬪。高宗尊為皇考謙妃。子一，弘曕。懋嬪，宋氏。事世宗，號格格。雍正初，封懋嬪。女二，皆殤。
清後妃之世宗後妃（感謝富察阿林提供資料）
世宗憲皇帝孝敬恭和懿順昭惠莊肅安康佐天翊聖憲皇后烏喇納拉氏，管步軍統領事、內大臣、贈承恩公費揚古女。康熙時，世宗居皇子位，奉聖祖賜，册以後為皇子嫡妃。三十六年，生皇長子贈端親王弘暉。世宗登極，雍正元年十二月，立為皇后。九年辛亥九月二十九日崩，壽五十世宗諭旨雲：垂髫之年，作配朕躬，結縭以來，四十餘載。殆康熙二十八九年來嬪，壽據此推得之。又按生年未詳，生日為五月十三日。十二月，謚曰孝敬皇后。十三年，高宗嗣位，十一月，加上尊謚曰孝敬恭和懿順昭惠佐天翊聖憲皇后，升祔太廟。乾隆二年三月，合葬泰陵。嘉慶四年五月，加上尊謚莊肅二字。二十五年十二月，加上安康二字，即今謚。
孝聖慈宣康惠敦和誠徽仁穆敬天光聖憲皇后鈕祜祿氏，為巴圖魯、贈弘毅公額亦都曾孫女，四品典儀、追封一等承恩公凌柱女。康熙三十一年壬申十一月二十五日生，四十三年，年十三，賜侍世宗藩邸，為格格。五十年八月，生皇四子，是為高宗。世宗登極，雍正元年十二月，册封熹妃，後晉熹貴妃。十三年九月，高宗嗣位，尊世宗遺命，尊為皇太後。十二月，上徽號曰崇慶皇太後。乾隆元年七月，移居慈寧宮。二年十二月，因册立皇后，加上徽號慈宣二字。十一年九月，高宗奉之幸五臺山。十三年二月，高宗奉之東巡。十四年四月，因册立攝六宮事皇貴妃，兼以平定金川，加上徽號康惠二字。十五年二月，高宗奉之幸五臺山。八月，因册立皇貴妃為皇后，加上徽號敦和二字。旋，高宗奉之幸中州。十六年正月，高宗奉之南巡。十一月，六旬慈慶，加上徽號裕壽二字。二十年六月，因平定準噶爾，加上純禧二字。二十二年正月，高宗奉之南巡。二十六年二月，高宗奉之幸五臺山。十一月，七旬慈慶，加上徽號恭懿二字。二十七年正月及三十年正月，高宗均奉之南巡。三十六年二月，高宗奉之東巡。十一月，八旬慈慶，加上徽號安祺二字。四十一年二月，高宗奉之東巡。五月，因平定金川，加上徽號寧豫二字。至是，為崇慶慈宣康惠敦和裕壽純禧恭懿安祺寧豫皇太後。四十二年丁酉正月二十三日，崩於圓明園之長春仙館，壽八十有六。三月，上尊謚曰孝聖慈宣康惠敦和敬天光聖憲皇后。四月，葬泰陵東北曰泰東陵。五月，升祔太廟。嘉慶四年五月，加上尊謚誠徽二字。二十五年十二月，加上仁穆二字，即今謚。
敦肅皇貴妃年氏，湖北巡撫、後加太傅、一等公年遐齡之女，原授一等公、撫遠大將軍、川陝總督年羹堯之女弟也。為世宗藩邸側妃，康熙五十四年，生皇四女。五十九年，生皇子福宜。六十年，生皇子贈懷親王福慧。雍正元年五月，生皇子福沛。十二月，册封貴妃。三年乙巳十一月，病亟，晉皇貴妃。旋於是月二十三日卒，十二月，謚曰敦肅皇貴妃。乾隆二年三月，從葬泰陵。
純愨（què ）皇貴妃耿氏，滿洲鑲黃旗人，管領耿德金女。康熙二十八年已巳十一月生，初入侍世宗藩邸，為格格。五十年，生皇五子和恭親王弘晝。世宗登極，雍正元年十二月，册封裕嬪，後晉裕妃。乾隆二年九月，高宗晉尊為皇考裕貴妃。四十三年十月，以年屆九旬，晉尊為裕皇貴太妃。四十九年甲辰十二月十七日卒，年九十有六。明年二月，謚曰純懿皇貴妃，尋葬妃園寢，位列諸妃之上。
齊妃李氏，知府李文熚女。初為世宗藩邸側妃，康熙三十四年，生皇二女和碩懷恪公主。三十六年，生皇子弘昐。三十九年，生皇二子弘昀。四十三年，生皇三子弘時。世宗登極，雍正元年十二月，册封齊妃。乾隆二年丁巳四月初七日卒。
謙妃劉氏，管領劉滿女。康熙五十三年甲午生，初入宮號貴人。雍正十一年六月，生皇六子果毅郡王弘曕，册封謙嬪。乾隆二年九月，高宗晉尊為皇考謙妃。三十二年丁亥五月二十一日卒，年五十四。
寧妃武氏，知州武柱國女。雍正十二年甲寅五月二十四日卒，追封為寧妃。
懋嬪宋氏，主事金柱女。初入侍世宗藩邸，為格格。康熙三十三年，生皇長女。四十五年，生皇三女。世宗登極，雍正元年十二月，册封懋嬪。八年庚戌卒。
郭貴人，初封常在，雍正七年晉為貴人。乾隆五十一年正月卒。三月入葬地宮。
李貴人，雍正七年被封為貴人。乾隆二十五年四月二十八日卒，二十九日奉移泰陵妃園寢。
安貴人，乾隆十五年卒。暫安於殯宮。
海貴人，雍正三年為常在，十三年為晉為貴人。乾隆二十六年十二月卒，二十七年四月葬地宮。
張貴人，初為常在，十三年晉為貴人。雍正十三年四月二十一日卒。
老貴人，葬東陵蘇麻喇姑園寢。
那常在，雍正十三年前卒，暫安於田村，後奉安泰陵妃園寢。
李常在，雍正八年為答應，十四年晉常在。乾隆五十年後卒。
馬常在，雍正七年為答應，八年晉常在。乾隆三十三年卒。四十年十月葬地宮。
春常在，雍正十三年為常在。乾隆二十六年後卒。
高常在，雍正七年四月為答應，八年為常在。雍正十年卒，乾隆二年仍暫安於殯宮，後奉安泰陵妃園寢。
常常在，雍正七年初為常在。雍正十年卒，乾隆二年仍暫安於安於田村，後奉安泰陵妃園寢。
顧常在，雍正十三年前卒，暫安於田村，後奉安泰陵妃園寢。
吉常在，不詳
蘇答應，雍正四年已入宮，雍正七年後卒。
英答應，原名蘭英。其餘不詳。
汪答應，不詳
德答應，不詳
張格格，生卒年不詳，奉安於泰陵妃園寢。
伊格格，生卒年不詳，奉安於泰陵妃園寢。
張格格，生卒年不詳，奉安於泰陵妃園寢。
雲惠，不詳
母子失和
清世宗雍正皇帝自幼為康熙表妹，時為皇貴妃的佟佳氏（即一等公佟國維之女孝懿仁皇后）所撫養，雖並非過繼，但因彼時中宮久虛，佟佳氏以副後身份統攝後宮，位份尊貴，佟佳氏膝下猶空，胤禛出生後數年方誕下一女，旋即而卒，故伊視胤禛為己出，殷勤備至，關愛有加，而雍正則蒙其庇蔭，承其恩澤，算起來當是康熙諸子中除了二阿哥胤礽（生母為四朝元老索尼，索額圖之侄女孝誠仁皇后赫捨裏氏，初謚“仁孝皇后”）、十阿哥胤誐（生母為溫熹貴妃紐祜祿氏，孝昭仁皇后之妹，遏必隆之女）以外，位份最為尊榮的一位皇子，因此從小即能受到一定的重視。幼時的胤禛乃憑藉着這層得天獨厚的機緣，被鞠養於康熙宮中，得到父皇的親自撫育，所謂 “‘母’愛者子抱”，一時之間其樂融融，甚為溫馨和諧。他們父子間的感情基礎也因這層關係，而顯得特別深厚牢固。
清宮慣例，皇子出生後或由官員撫養，或由其他妃嬪撫養，總之一言以蔽之，皇子誕下之後獨不可付與生母撫育。這可能是為了杜絶後宮幹政吧，所以有清一代，除了慈禧以外，大體上杜絶了後妃預事及外戚禍國的弊政。但是這種“防弊”之策也非一無瑕疵，由於缺乏接觸和溝通，這極有可能會導致出現親生母子間互生隔閡，彼此猜忌，感情不睦，關係漠然等如是尷尬的境況。而不幸的是，雍正和其生母德妃之間的關係就是這樣陌生而緊張，冷淡而無奈。
究其原因，可以總結為以下幾點：
第一，因為胤禛從出生起即由佟佳氏撫養（胤禛後來回憶佟佳氏時曾感念其“撫衝齡而顧復，備蒙鞠育之仁，溯十載之劬勞，莫報生成之德”《清世宗實錄》第十一捲，第九頁。），一直到他十一歲左右佟佳氏病逝，幼年的胤禛都是在這位母親之呵護和教導下一天一天成長起來的。“生恩不及養恩大”，所以胤禛感養母恩遇之素深，同孝懿仁皇后親近，反而與親娘生疏則是很自然的事情，亦合人之常情。（甚或這種情感上的親疏還“延及”到雍正的子孫，乾嘉年間佟佳氏纍次加謚，但是作為皇帝的生母烏雅氏卻偏偏沒有這種殊榮，仿佛她是什麽不相幹的人，生生地被拋在了一邊，極不尋常之中隱隱地透露出雍正和德妃之間“耐人尋味”的“母子”關係。）
第二，佟佳氏是康熙的表妹，位份尊貴，自康熙第二位皇后（即孝昭仁皇后，康熙朝四輔政大臣遏必隆的女兒）死後，一直位列皇貴妃之位，即所謂的副後，掌管後宮，是諸位皇子之嫡母，她的尊貴一定讓年幼的雍正産生一種依屬感和安全感，出於生存的本能他必定會竭盡全力地去討養母的好，以期獲得她的歡心，久而久之在這種潛移默化之下則難免“淪為”一個懂得如何察言觀色、趨炎附勢的“勢利眼兒”，對於自己的親生母親的態度想來也會由於養母的存在和在宮廷之中生存立足的需要以及祖宗的成法，而不敢過分親近，胤禛甚至很有可能在有意或無意中表現出一種以佟佳氏之子身份自居的“小小”情緒，生母德妃看在眼裏心中定然很不暢快，久而久之他們之間的母子關係便會蒙上一層陰影，結也越結越死了。
第三，“天下的父母皆是偏心的”，此乃古今常理。況且大多數的母親都會特別疼愛溺寵幼子，這是她們天生的情結。胤祚（康熙的第六子，德妃所生的第二個兒子）在的時候她疼胤祚，胤祚死了她自然就去疼十四子（胤禎，雍正時更名為胤禵）嘍，想來雍正心中對此也一直耿耿於懷，母子間的隔閡愈見增大。
第四，當然就得專門說說四阿哥本身的問題了，這個頭髮捲麯語速極快的孩子，自幼就被康熙說成是"喜怒不定"，可見年幼時心緒不佳，心中承受不住方方面面帶給他的重壓，往往會突然而然的發作，有時甚或近乎歇斯底裏了。做母親的大多喜歡聽話乖巧的孩子，對於像他這樣有些憂鬱的孩子（美國史學大師史景遷如是認為，語見《中國皇帝康熙自畫像》頁172，上海遠東出版社。），自然很難博得母親的歡心。
第五，胤禛即位即封隆科多（佟佳氏的弟弟）為舅舅，卻反而把自己的嫡親舅舅撂在一邊，不以為意，這不等於嚮全世界宣佈“我衹承認佟佳氏這位養母是我唯一的母親”了嘛，他的做法和《紅樓夢》中的探春也實實如出一轍，顯然在他的心底還是很不喜歡自己的親娘，並且或多或少的將此公開化，（他的脾氣性情本就是如此，很多時候都會他並不是如人們想象一般，將自己的感情遮遮掩掩，而是公開或半公開的一吐而快。）易位而處，若你是德妃眼見自己的親生兒子如此藐視自己恐怕也會氣不打一處來吧。再想想看天底下會有哪一個兒子選擇每天五更（凌晨三至五點）這個時候去給母親請安的（《大義覺迷錄》捲一，《清史資料第四輯》，中華書局1983年版，頁11。雍正自暴隱情），他們名為母子，實則形同陌路，二人之間本就沒什麽話說，甚至大多數時候都是話不投機針鋒相對的，但是為了避免背負不孝的罪名，雍正衹能趕在母親尚未起身的這個點兒前去“請安”，（實際上就是走個過場）互不碰面才能免生尷尬。說句實話，這招真是夠絶的了，不過從中也隱約的透露出雍正內心的無奈與辛酸。
第六，德妃以“皇帝誕膺大委，理應受賀。與我行禮，有何緊要” （蕭奭：《永憲錄》，捲一。）為由，拒不接受皇帝給自己行禮，害得登基大典差點都開不了場，使得雍正朝的第一次嘉禮這麽大煞風景的開場，也似讖語似的註定了雍正朝凄凄慘慘的悲劇收場。
此外，這位母親還曾放話說，雍正即位，"實非夢之所期"，這是什麽意思？！這不明擺着告訴衆人說，他——自己的嫡親兒子（！）繼承大統，就連我這個親生母親做夢都想不到，實際上就是不承認雍正即位的合法性，對他踐祚的挑戰。在政治環境如此險惡的情況下，在那麽多政敵對她自己親生兒子虎視眈眈的情況下，她這麽說顯然將會受人以柄，顯然會把雍正往絶路上推，而她連想都沒想，連怕都沒怕，就這麽說，這麽做了！！！這麽絶情，偏心得這麽明顯，若是我也不可能和她搞好關係，更何況好強好名如雍正者乎？！
德妃生前，斷然不肯接受“仁壽”皇太後的尊號，也不肯從自己原先居住的永和宮移居到太後應住的寧壽宮去，故她甫一咽氣，雍正便將她的梓宮（即棺材）移到寧壽宮，停靈三天才放到帝後死後應停靈的地方——壽皇殿，麯折的透露出雍正心中的忿恨與不平，其中的三昧着實耐人尋味。
還有，胤禛因早年中過暑，故而特別怕熱，德妃死後，雖天氣酷熱非常，但為免落他人（？！）以口實，他堅持守靈，以致數度昏厥，身體不支，在他給心腹年羹堯的密折中就有這樣的話——“朕安，你實在為朕放心，實力不能撐，也顧不得丟醜了。況受過暑，一點熱也受不得，衹得以身荷之重，着實惜養，不必為朕過慮。”一種負氣、憤懣的情緒，一看便明，母子之間關係若此，實在是雍正一生莫大的悲哀。
興文字獄
1.年羹堯案
雍正朝的文字獄始自年羹堯案。年羹堯是漢軍鑲黃旗人，進士出身而有用兵之才，在川藏一帶平叛屢建功勳，康熙末年授定西將軍、兼理川陝總督，一意依附當時還是雍親王的允禛。胤禛即位後，年羹堯備受寵信，纍授川陝總督、太保、撫遠大將軍，爵封一等公。年羹堯又因妹妹是雍正暴君的妃子，開始居功自傲，雍正忍無可忍，終動殺機。雍正三年(1724年)二月，出現“日月合璧，五星聯珠”的天文奇觀，臣僚上表稱賀，年也上表，但一是字體潦草，二是將成語 “朝乾夕惕”寫成了“夕惕朝乾”，此語意為終日勤慎，就是寫倒了意思也不變。雍正以年羹堯居功藐上，心懷不軌，那些對年羹堯有怨懟的人見皇上帶了頭，便群起而攻之，於是年羹堯被劾成九十二條大罪。年羹堯自撫遠大將軍而杭州將軍，即而被令自裁，親族、同黨或斬首或流放或貶謫。
年羹堯死後七天，汪景祺斬首示衆，即汪景祺西徵隨筆案。汪景祺，浙江杭州人，雍正初年，他的朋友鬍期恆任陝西布政使，是其上司年羹堯的心腹。汪景祺前往探訪，乘機投書幹謁年羹堯，做了年羹堯的臨時幕客。汪景祺這次西遊著有《讀書堂西徵隨筆》二捲，獻年羹堯收藏。年羹堯得罪抄傢，《西徵隨筆》被繳進宮中。雍正讀後咬牙切齒地在首頁題字雲：“悖謬狂亂，至於此極！惜見此之晚，留以待他日，弗使此種得漏網也。”大約是隨筆提及“狡兔死，走狗烹”，本是提醒年羹堯。雍正因此憤恨，但是又要表現自己孝道，處罪諭旨衹稱汪景祺“作詩譏訕聖祖仁皇帝，大逆不道 ”。於是汪景祺被定處斬，梟首示衆，其頭骨在北京菜市口梟示了十年。妻子兒女發配黑竜江給披甲人(滿洲軍士)為奴；兄弟叔侄輩流放寧古塔；疏遠親族凡在官的都革職，交原籍地方官管束。由於牽纍的人多，汪景祺僑居的平湖縣城甚至傳出“屠城”的謠言，居民驚惶逃竄。
與年羹堯有牽連的還有錢名世名教罪人案。錢名世字亮工，江蘇武進人，與年羹堯是鄉試同年，大概因此而有交誼。雍正二年(1724年)，權勢赫赫的年羹堯進京覲見，錢名世贈詩諛頌，有“分陝旌旗周召伯，從天鼓角漢將軍”、“鐘鼎名勒山河誓，番藏宜刊第二碑”等詩句以捧年的臭腳。年羹堯受誅，錢名世當然在劫難聞逃。雍正給他加的罪名是“麯盡諂媚，頌揚姦惡”。但沒有殺他，衹是把他革職逐回原籍，卻又御書“名教罪人”四字，命錢名世原籍地方官製成匾額，挂在錢傢中堂上。奇恥大辱的“名教罪人”四字不但使錢名世無臉做人，而且使他的子子孫孫都擡不起頭。雍正還命常州知府、武進知縣每月初一、十五去錢傢查看匾額懸挂情形，如未懸挂則呈報巡撫奏明治罪。當錢名世離京時，雍正又命京官自大學士、九卿以下都作諷刺詩為錢名世“贈行”，結果共有三百八十五人奉詔作詩。雍正一一過目後，交付錢名世輯成專集，題為《名教罪人詩》，刊印後頒發全國學校，讓天下士子人人知曉。諷刺詩作得夠味的給予表揚，不夠味的給予處分。正詹事陳萬策詩中有句：“名世已同名世罪，亮工不異亮工姦”(指南山集案的戴名世，而年羹堯也字亮工)，措意尖刻，造句新巧，得到暴君誇奬。而翰林侍讀吳孝登則因詩句“謬妄”，被發配寧古塔給披甲人為奴。作詩的人當中，有叫查嗣庭的，他批判錢名世“百年遺臭辱簪纓”；有叫謝濟世的，他批判錢名世“自古姦諛終敗露”；但是不久，他們就跟着遭殃，亡國奴做豬做狗，仍不免挨噬。
隆科多是不得不提的人物，他是康熙帝孝懿皇后的弟弟，一等公佟國維之子，康熙末年官至步軍統領、理藩院尚書，雍正初年襲爵一等公，授吏部尚書，加太保。隆科多和年羹堯一樣，是雍正的重臣，沒有他二人，雍正很難登位，尤其是隆科多，因傳遺詔而使雍正得登大寶，功不可沒。但隆日漸辜恩，使雍正日益不滿。雍正五年(1727年)十月，隆科多終因私藏玉牒(皇室宗譜)罪付審，諸王大臣合議劾隆科多犯有四十一條大罪，得旨永遠圈禁，傢産追補贓銀，其二子也受處分。次年，隆科多死於禁所。
而與隆科多案有關的查嗣庭案結束於隆科多治罪前數月。查嗣庭字潤木，號橫浦，浙江海寧人，康熙四十五年(1706年)進士，選入翰林，經隆科多保奏授內閣大學士大夫，後又經左都御史蔡王廷保奏授禮部左侍郎。該文字獄詳見清初六傢捲查慎行傳，雍正五年(1727年)五月，案件結束，查嗣庭戮屍、梟首，親族或斬或流放，牽連的江西官員統統革職。查嗣庭下獄的次月，即雍正四年(1726年)十月，清廷特設浙江觀風整俗使，專職監視士人，整頓士風(接着東南各省相繼設立觀風整俗使)。十一月又下詔停止浙江士人鄉試、會試。吏部侍郎瀋近思上疏擁護，說汪、查等人使“越水增羞，吳山蒙恥”，條陳整頓風俗、約束士子的十條建議，雍正批轉浙江巡撫和觀風整俗使議行。雍正六年(1728年)八月，經浙江總督李衛請求，雍正解除停止鄉會試的詔令，兩年後撤消觀風整俗使。
2.謝濟世案、陸生楠案
其後又有謝濟世案、陸生楠案，兩案都胎育於李紱、田文鏡互參事件。田文鏡是監生出身，從州縣小吏歷練而上，雍正二年(1724年)擢受河南巡撫。他政令嚴苛，嫌科甲出身的官員辦事懦緩，接連劾罷三四員州縣官，其中有信旭知州黃振國，係左都御史蔡王廷所薦。
雍正四年(1726年)，新授直隸總督的李紱上任取道河南，田文鏡循例迎送。科甲出身的李紱忍不住指責田文鏡，說他不該有意蹂躪讀書人。於是田文鏡上密疏參劾李紱因與黃振國等人科舉同年，所以有意襢護，言下之意是說李紱等人私結朋黨。不久，李紱入京覲見，陳述田文鏡貪虐及黃振國等人冤抑情狀。雍正稍加調查，就懷疑李紱等科甲出身的人在搞朋黨。
同年鼕，浙江道監察御史謝濟世上疏參劾田文鏡十罪。雍正把奏疏退還，而謝濟世堅持要上疏。雍正一怒之下把謝濟世革職逮捕，大學士、九卿、科道會審擬斬。由於謝濟世所劾與李紱所劾內容完全一致，都為黃振國鳴冤，黃振國是蔡王廷所薦，蔡王廷與李紱關係親密，雍正於是認定這幾個人在搞朋黨，將謝濟世減死發配新疆阿爾泰；蔡王廷降為奉天府尹；李紱降為工部侍郎(不久革職)。陸生楠，舉人出身，以軍功遷授吳縣知縣。引見時暴君見他應對滯訥，“舉動乖張”，便把他扣下來留京學習辦事，後改除工部主事。再引見時，雍正見他傲慢不恭，所呈奏摺又寫有“五經四書中如 ‘惠迪吉’、‘從逆兇’，何以異於佛老”等句，覺得是諷刺自己。於是命把陸生楠革職，也發配阿爾泰。
陸生楠在阿爾泰著有《通鑒論》十七篇，竟成陸生楠通鑒論案的禍源。雍正七年(1729年)五月，駐守阿爾泰的振武將軍、順承郡王錫保疏劾陸生楠《通鑒論》十七篇，文中“抗憤不平之語甚多，其論封建之利，言辭更屬狂悖，顯係排議時政”，《通鑒論》隨本繳進。雍正得奏，於七月初三日諭內閣，對《通鑒論》中的“狂悖”議論逐條加以批駁。批駁完，“提議”將“罪大惡極，情無可逭”的陸生楠就地正法，命九卿、翰詹、科道定擬陸生楠應治之罪。從官當然遵旨惟謹，這年年底，陸生楠在阿爾泰軍中處死刑。
錫保在疏劾陸生楠的同時，對謝濟世也參了一本，說謝濟世所著《古本大學註》毀謗程朱，書隨本繳上，即謝濟世註大學案。雍正讀過後頌諭內閣，認為謝濟世不僅毀謗程朱，而且對時政“恣意謗訕”，尤切齒於《註》中所去：“拒諫飾非必至拂人之性，驕泰甚矣 ”一句，咄咄逼問道：“試問謝濟世：數年以來伊為國傢敷陳者何事？為朕躬進諫者何言？朕所拒者何諫？所飾者何非？除處分謝濟世黨同伐異、誣陷良臣之外，尚能指出一二事否乎？”然後命朝臣議謝濟世應治之罪。衆臣擬謝濟世與陸生楠一同處死，密諭錫保在殺陸生楠時把謝濟世一同綁赴刑場，最後卻宣佈謝濟世免死，不知當時兩人是何感受。
3.曾靜、呂留良案
雍正六年(1728年)九月二十六日傍午，陝西西安的一條大街上，川陝總督嶽鐘琪正乘轎回署，突然有人攔轎投書。這就是曾靜、呂留良之獄，詳見江東義士捲呂留良傳。案結處置，呂留良、呂葆中父子開棺戮屍，梟首示衆；呂毅中斬立决；呂留良諸孫發遣寧古塔給披甲人為奴；傢産悉數沒收。呂留良學生嚴鴻逵開棺戮屍，梟首示衆，其孫發遣寧古塔給披甲人為奴；學生瀋在寬斬立决；黃補庵(已死)嫡屬照議治罪；刊印、收藏呂留良著作的車鼎豐等四人判斬監候，另二人同妻子流放三千裏外，還有十數人受杖責。而曾靜供詞及懺悔錄，集成《大義覺迷錄》一書，刊後頒發全國所有學校，命教官督促士子認真觀覽曉悉，玩忽者治罪。又命刑部侍郎杭奕祿帶領曾靜到江浙一帶等地宣講，命兵部尚書史貽直帶領張熙到陝西各地宣講。雍正曾聲明 “朕之子孫將來亦不得以其詆毀朕躬而追究誅戮”，然而雍正十三年(1735年)十月，乾隆帝繼位，尚未改元就公開翻案，命將曾靜、張熙解到京師，於十二月把二人凌遲處死，並列《大義覺迷錄》為禁書。嶽鐘琪後來因進討準噶爾失利，被大學士鄂爾泰所劾，下獄判斬監候，到乾隆初年纔獲釋。
4.屈大均案
《大義覺迷錄》在廣東巡講時，廣東巡撫傅泰從張熙供稱欽仰廣東“屈溫山先生”，想起本省著名學者屈大均號翁山，猜想“溫山”是“翁山”之訛。於是追查屈大均所著《翁山文外》、《翁山詩外》諸書，果然發現其中“多有悖逆之詞，隱藏抑鬱不平之氣”。這樣，又一宗思想“悖逆”案被揭發。屈大均已死三十多年，其子屈明洪(任惠來縣教諭)自動到廣州投案，繳出父親的詩文著作和雕板。案情上報，刑部擬屈大均戮屍梟首；因屈明洪自首，故免死，僅將屈明洪及其二子遣戍福建，屈大均詩文禁毀。這就是屈大均案，詳見嶺南三大傢捲屈大均傳。
死因傳說
雍正的死因衆說紛紜，大概有以下幾種說法：
據《清世宗實錄》和《張廷玉年譜》記載：“雍正十三年八月二十日，胤禛偶感違和，仍照常聽政，並召見臣工。二十一日，病情加重，照常理政。大學士張廷玉每日進見，未嘗間斷。皇四子寶親王弘歷、皇五子和親王弘晝等，禦榻之側，朝夕奉侍。二十二日，病情惡化，太醫搶救。二十三日子時，進藥無效，竜馭上賓。”前後三天，可以算急癥。胤禛突然而死，官書不載原因。於是，胤禛死因之謎，朝野衆說紛紜。
1、一說，胤禛是被呂四娘謀刺死的。傳說呂四娘是呂留良的女兒，也有說是呂留良的孫女。當年，呂留良因文字獄被死後戮屍，呂氏一門，或被處死，或被遣戍。但呂四娘攜母及一僕逃出，隱姓埋名，潛藏民間。呂四娘拜師習武，勤學苦練，尤長劍術，技藝高超。後來，呂四娘喬裝改扮，混入深宮，一日，乘機砍掉雍正腦袋。或說，呂四娘的師傅，原是雍正的劍客，後離去，培養了女徒呂四娘。這個民間傳說，流傳 200多年。到1981年，曾發掘雍正泰陵地宮，未打開，即作罷。但民間傳言雍正棺材已經打開，雍正的遺體有屍身而無屍首，想以此證明胤禛之頭是被呂四娘砍掉的。這些傳說，都是無中生有，純屬野史逸聞。學者認為，呂留良之案，呂氏一門，男女老幼，俱已嚴禁，不能逃逸。就連呂留良父子墳墓，都加以監視，呂女不可能逃脫。所以，呂四娘行刺雍正說，實屬子虛烏有，絶不可信。
2、二說，胤禛是被宮女縊死的。柴萼《梵天廬叢錄》記載：傳說雍正九年（1731年），宮女夥同太監吳首義、霍成，伺胤禛睡熟，用繩縊殺，氣將絶，被救活。這個逸聞源自明世宗嘉靖皇帝的真實故事。明嘉靖二十一年（1542年），宮女楊金英等“伺帝熟睡，以繩縊帝項，誤為死結，得不絶”。同夥張宮女害怕，跑去報告方皇后。皇后趕到，解帛繩，帝氣絶，命召太醫許紳急救。《明史•許紳傳》記載：“紳急調峻藥下之，辰時下藥，未時忽作聲，去紫血數升，遂能言，又數劑而愈。”事後將楊金英等磔（zhé）死。顯然，雍正帝與嘉靖帝的廟號都是“世宗”，這個清世宗雍正被宮女縊殺的故事，完全是明世宗嘉靖被宮女勒縊故事的翻版。所以，宮女縊勒雍正說，實屬移花接木，張冠李戴。
3、三說，胤禛是服丹藥中毒而死的。胤禛在雍正七年（1729泰陵五孔橋年），得了一場大病。大臣說“皇上下頦偶有些微疙瘩”，是什麽病，說不清楚。胤禛曾嚮心腹密臣發出諭旨，要他們推薦好醫生、道士：“可留心訪問，有內外科好醫生與深達修養性命之人，或道士，或講道之儒士、俗傢。……一面奏聞，一面着人優待送至京城，朕有用處。”後來李衛密薦道士賈士芳，到北京為胤禛看病。後將賈道士處死。胤禛對道士、丹藥感興趣，特為紫陽道人重建道院。胤禛還曾延請道士張太虛、王定乾等，到圓明園煉丹，以求吞服靈丹妙藥，長生不老。
4、四說，胤禛是患中風而死的。這個重要論斷，需要史料證明。
5、五說，胤禛是被曹雪芹和竺香玉合謀毒死的。據傳《紅樓夢》的作者曹雪芹，有個戀人叫竺香玉，是林黛玉的化身。竺香玉後來被雍正霸占成為皇后。曹雪芹想念戀人，就找了一個差事混入宮中，與竺香玉合謀，用丹藥將雍正毒死。這是編造的故事，純屬無稽之談。
遺詔即位
史上記載的《康熙遺詔》全文如下：
從來帝王之治天下，未嘗不以敬天法祖為首務。敬天法祖之實在柔遠能邇、休養蒼生，共四海之利為利、一天下之心為心，保邦於未危、緻治於未亂，夙夜孜孜，寤寐不遑，為久遠之國計，庶乎近之。今朕年屆七旬，在位六十一年，實賴天地宗社之默佑，非朕涼德之所至也。歷觀史册，自黃帝甲子迄今四千三百五十餘年共三百一帝，如朕在位之久者甚少。朕臨禦至二十年時，不敢逆料至三十年，三十年時不敢逆料至四十年，今已六十一年矣。《尚書*洪範》所載：一曰壽、二曰富、三曰康寧、四曰攸好德、五曰考終命，五福以考終命列於第五者，誠以其難得故也。今朕年已登耆，富有四海，子孫百五十餘人，天下安樂，朕之福亦云厚矣，即或有不虞心亦泰然。念自禦極以來，雖不敢自謂能移風易俗、傢給人足，上擬三代明聖之主，而欲緻海宇升平，人民樂業，孜孜汲汲、小心敬慎，夙夜不遑，未嘗少懈。數十年來殫心竭力，有如一日，此豈‘ 勞苦’二字所能概括耶？前代帝王或享年不永，史論概以為酒色所致也，皆書生好為譏評，雖純全淨美之君，亦必抉摘瑕疵。朕今為前代帝王剖白言之，蓋由天下事繁，不勝勞憊之所致也。諸葛亮雲：“鞠躬盡瘁，死而後已”，為人臣者惟諸葛亮能如此耳。若帝王仔肩甚重，無可旁諉，豈臣下所可以比擬？臣下可仕則仕，可止則止，年老緻政而歸，抱子弄孫，猶得優遊自適。為君者勤劬一生了無休息之日，如舜雖稱無為而治，然身歿於蒼梧，禹乘四載，胼手胝足，終於會稽，此皆勤勞政事、巡行周歷，不遑寧處，豈可謂之崇尚無為、清靜自持乎。《易》遁卦六爻，未嘗言及人主之事，可見人主原無宴息之地可以退藏，鞠躬盡瘁，誠謂此也。
自古得天下之正莫如我朝。太祖、太宗初無取天下之心，嘗兵及京城，諸大臣鹹雲當取，太宗皇帝曰：明與我朝素非和好，今欲取之甚易，但念係中國之主，不忍取也。後流賊李自成攻破京城，崇禎自縊，臣民相率來迎，乃剪滅闖寇入承大統，稽查典禮，安葬崇禎。昔漢高祖係泗上亭長，明太祖一皇覺寺僧，項羽起兵攻秦而天下卒歸於漢；元末陳友諒等蜂起，而天下卒歸於明。我朝承襲先烈，應天順人，撫有區宇，以此見亂臣賊子無非為真主驅除也。凡帝王自有天命，應享壽考者不能使之不享壽考，應享太平者不能使之不享太平，朕自幼讀書於古今，道理粗能通曉，又年力盛時，能彎十五力弓，發十三握箭，用兵臨戎之事，皆所優為。然平生未嘗妄殺一人，平定三藩，掃清漢北，皆出一心運籌。戶部帑金，非用師、賑饑未敢妄費，謂皆小民膏脂故也，所有巡狩行宮不施采繢，每處所費不過一二萬金，較之河工歲費三百餘萬尚及百分之一。昔梁武帝亦創業英雄，後至耄年，為侯景所逼，遂有臺城之禍；隋文帝亦開創之主，不能預知其子煬帝之惡，卒緻不剋令終，皆由辨之不早也。朕之子孫百有餘人，朕年已七十，諸王大臣官員軍民與蒙古人等無不愛惜。朕年邁之人，今雖以壽終，朕亦愉悅至。
太祖皇帝之子禮親王王之子孫，現今俱各安全，朕身後爾等若能惕心保全，朕亦欣然安逝。雍親王皇四子胤禛，人品貴重，深肖朕躬，必能剋承大統。着繼朕登基，即皇帝位，即遵輿製，持服二十七日，釋服佈告中外，鹹使聞知。
康熙六十一年十一月十三日 卯
雍正年表
公元1678年，胤禛出生。生母為孝恭仁皇后烏雅氏。1歲後，由貴妃佟佳氏帶養。
公元1683年，師從顧八代、張英、徐元夢等人學習多年。
公元1686年，胤禛與胤禔、胤礽、胤祉隨駕巡行塞外。
公元1691年，奉父命與大臣女納拉氏成婚。
公元1696年，康熙親徵葛爾丹。胤禛與胤祺、胤佑、胤禩分掌八旗十營。
公元1698年，胤禛受封貝勒。
公元1699年，康熙為成婚皇子建府分居。四貝勒府後擴大為雍王府、雍王宮。
公元1702年，胤禛與胤礽、胤祥隨駕巡行五臺山並南行。
公元1708年，康熙一廢太子。胤禛與胤禔、胤礽、胤祺、胤祥一起被拘禁。
公元1709年，胤禛被封雍親王。
公元1711年，鈕鈷祿氏生弘歷。
公元1718年，康熙命胤禛與胤祉率文武百官送大將軍王胤禵於德勝門。
公元1721年，康熙六十大慶。胤禛被特意派往盛京祭祖。
公元1722年，十月，前往通州查勘糧倉發放屯結情況，共28天；十一月九日，單招胤禛前往暢春園；十一月初十，胤禛代康熙前去天壇祭天；十一月十三，康熙駕崩。胤禛藉《康熙遺詔》，登上帝位。
公元1723年，四月，送先帝往遵化東陵，事畢將十四阿哥允禵囚之湯山；五月，太後猝死；八月，秘密立儲弘歷。
公元1724年，十月，十阿哥允礻我被革職圈禁；十二月，廢太子允礽病故，追為理密親王。
公元1725年，四月，將年羹堯發往杭州，降為杭州將軍；十二月，以92條罪名令年羹堯自裁。
公元1726年，正月，八阿哥允禩、九阿哥允禟除宗籍；三月，將允禩改名阿其那；五月，允禵囚於景山觀德殿；六月，定允禩罪狀40條，允禟罪28條，允禵罪14條；八月，允禟死於保定禁所；九月，允禩死於禁所。
公元1727年，隆科多與沙俄談判邊境問題，因失敗，回京後便被捕、抄傢；十月，定隆科多41條大罪。
公元1728年，六月，嶽鐘琪舉奏曾靜案，株連呂留良，呂留良被鞭屍、滿門抄斬；同月，隆科多死於禁所。
公元1729年，十月，免曾靜死，頒《大義覺迷錄》。
公元1730年，五月，胤祥病逝，雍正親臨喪所。以三阿哥胤祉並不哀痛為由，削爵圈禁景山。
公元1733年，二月，封弘歷為寶親王、弘晝為和親王。
公元1735年，八月二十三日，雍正駕崩。
網絡走紅
如今最流行的網絡小說要數清穿小說了，而清穿小說中最紅的男主就是雍正了。原因嘛！很簡單：人傢將來是皇帝，衹要嫁過去，咱就是娘娘。下面，嚮大傢推介幾部四爺黨的清穿小說。
四爺黨
《權傾天下》：從康熙在位期間到胤禛當雍正皇帝，而女主就是年貴妃。超好看，情節超好看，我們的四四在文中可是一個大帥哥！值得看阿
《宮的一角之華悠》 ：一個新的四爺黨小說，女主主華悠和他可是半路殺出個諸葛亮，值得看看。
《瑾禛緣》：一看題目，就知道有咱傢的四四了。與衆不同的清穿文，女主是四四的殺手噢！值得一看！更新也可以。
《四爺黨》：新興的清穿越文，形式新穎（采取多次穿越法，甚至穿越成過德妃，小狐狸等），文筆清新，實乃清穿文中不可多得的佳作，大傢都看到這個題目了，自然，作者悠悠晴天可是一個地道的四爺黨。
《步步驚心》：晉江清宮文三座大山之一，出現的時間大約與夢回同時，在文風上與夢回卻迥然不同，作者桐華想要還原一個真實的歷史，看這篇文時，我是真心疼裏面的若曦，寧可她愚笨點，卻偏偏是這麽一個靈秀的人，終篇看完之後，我腦子歷史中回蕩着倉央嘉措的詩：“第一最好不相見，如此便可不相愛；第二最好不相知，如此便可不相思……”桐華姐姐應該也是一個四爺黨吧。
《情傾天下》：說過如此沉重的步步過後，再說點輕鬆的吧，情傾是我看過的清宮文中比較惡搞的，明珠大人幾乎在每一章節中都會有些經典的語錄，不過，文章自面世以來，也存在的種種非議，不喜歡的人幾乎和喜歡的人一樣，這樣的口水戰也是屢屢發生，面對這個，我這個情傾粉也很無奈，衹能說，每個人心中都有一個四四，我們要尊重每一位作者的辛勤勞動。明珠大人，如此厚愛四四，四爺黨無疑（明大，你要是給四四染緑，我們就把你從四黨裏踢出去）。
《殤魂》：作者梵天姐姐不僅僅是個死忠四爺黨，又是個大女子主義者，將這兩者融合在一起，一篇文字俏皮可愛，行文似散文一樣清新的佳作便出現了，女主不再是什麽福晉，格格，名門閨秀，而是一個抗日小兵，愛國戰士與封建帝王的邂逅，又會有怎樣一段故事發生呢？相信每一個讀過的人都會給出一個很好的答案。
《夢裏雲歸何處尋》：作者一瞬暗紅，現在重新開始更新，文寫的語言那個美呀，我是寫不出來那種感覺，是古色古香的，女主就是那個恭愨長公主的女兒，好文呀……
《心在天涯》：這個比較強，這一開始，就治病加QJ，感覺跟一部很老的電視劇《碧血情天楊傢將》那個內容一樣，作者得努力擺脫這種影響。
《清清子衿》：新文，更新也可以，內容也不錯。
《玉石俱焚》：一個被傷害的女孩回到清朝的故事。剛開始的時候還追，後來棄了，其實，還可以，衹不過不合我的口味。
《真情天子》：寫四四和年妃的。
《刺清》：女主穿到了一個反清復明的家庭，學了很棒的武功，愛上了四四，失去了記憶，進宮了。作者澐鏡雙滇準四爺黨，從一開始就說要給四四和女主一個好的結局。
《清殤.夜未央》 女主人公叫甄臻，因為一副鐲子穿越清朝成為納喇熙臻，同大多清穿小說一樣參加選秀，愛上八爺，卻由於誤會，痛苦結束了。。。與四爺之間發生刻骨銘心的愛情，康熙後來卻留下遺詔賜婚於八爺，雍正即位後不顧全天下的緋語，阻止她嫁給別人，卻阻止不了他和她不得善終的結局。其苦情和悲愁跟《步步驚心》有異麯同工之妙，令人扼腕，潸然淚下。。。
《紫禁心經》：新文，四福晉烏拉那拉寫起，作者四四黨無疑。
《最禛心》：44的,很搞笑,但也很溫情。
《三世緣》：女主是乾隆的老媽，裏面的四很可愛。
《愛君如夢》：女主是年懿君，就是年妃啦！
《魂回大清》： 作者：淚兒，女主是乾隆的老媽。
《禛心真意長相守》：作者：秋麒麟草，女主很搞笑，是篇很輕鬆的清穿文，不虐，而且最珍貴的是，裏面的年羹堯是個好人。
《絶戀大清》：作者：江南清秋月。一個主張現代女權的女生，卻陰差陽錯地穿越到了封建男權社會，碰到的還是歷史上有名的冷面王。女主的自力，堅強與幽默，機智與勇敢，卻不經意打動了眼裏不能揉進沙子的四阿哥的心。現代思想與封建思想在古代一次又一次的碰撞，我們的女主該何去何從？她屈服了嗎？
多情的胤祥，他的感情又歸屬何方呢？本書用穿越的題材，同時講述了清代的九竜奪嫡真像，講述了雍正之謎，一個帥哥的時代，一場風花雪月的故事。本書還涉及旅遊，餐飲，商業等許多領域，是一本讓你隨着女主喜悲的小說！
《夢轉紗窗曉》：作者：冰之葡萄，她叫關采薇，人如其名。她就像生命力頑強的野花，堅強灑脫。一口古井、一幅油畫，因緣際會，她穿越時空，跨越300年，來到清朝。這裏是壁壘森嚴的皇宮，這裏是勾心鬥角的世界，這裏也許也有脈脈溫情。
Although Yongzheng's reign was much shorter than the reigns of both his father (the Kangxi Emperor) and his son (the Qianlong Emperor), his sudden death was probably brought about by a heavy workload. Yongzheng continued an era of peace and prosperity; he cracked down on corruption and waste, and reformed the financial administration. During his reign the formulation of the Grand Council began, an institution which have an enormous impact on the future of imperial China.
Prince YongYinzhen was the fourth son of Kangxi to survive into adulthood and the eldest son from Empress Xiaogongren, a lady of the Manchu Uya clan who was then known as De-fei. Kangxi knew it would be a mistake to raise his children inside the palace alone; therefore, exposed his sons (including Yinzhen) to the outside world and gave them a rigorous education. Yongzheng went with Kangxi on several inspection trips around the Beijing area, as well as one trip further south. He was honorary leader of the Plain Red Banner during Kangxi's second battle against the Mongol khan Gordhun. Yinzhen was made a beile (Chinese: 貝勒, "lord") in 1689 and rose to the position of second-class prince in 1698.
In 1704, the Yangtze and Yellow Rivers saw unprecedented flooding. The economy and livelihood of people around these areas were severely damaged. Yongzheng was sent out as an envoy of the emperor with the 13th Imperial Prince Yinxiang to deal with relief efforts in southern China. The imperial treasury, which had been drained due to unpaid loans by many officials and nobles, did not have sufficient funds to deal with the flooding; Yongzheng had the added responsibility of securing relief funds from the wealthy southern tycoons. These efforts ensured that funds were distributed properly and people would not starve. He was given the title of first-class prince, Prince Yong (Chinese: 雍親王), in 1709.
Disputed successionFurther information: Kangxi Emperor
In 1712, the Kangxi Emperor removed his second son, Yinreng, as successor to the throne and did not designate an heir in his place. This led to a competition amongst sons of the Emperor for the position of crown prince. The most promising candidates were Yinzhi, Yinzhen, Yinsi, and Yinti (the third, fourth, eighth and fourteenth Imperial Princes respectively). Of the princes, Yinsi had the most support from the mandarins, but was disfavoured by Kangxi himself. Yinzhen had supported Yinreng prior to the latter's demise, and did not build a large political base until the final years of Kangxi's reign. When the Emperor died in December 1722, the field of contenders was reduced to three princes after Yinsi pledged his support to the 14th prince, Yinti.
At the time of the Kangxi Emperor's death, Yinti, as border-pacification general-in-chief (Chinese: 撫遠大將軍), was at war in the northwest in what is present-day Xinjiang. Some historians believe that this implied Kangxi's favouring Yinti for succession, and was training the next emperor in military affairs; others maintain that Kangxi intended to keep Yinti a large distance away from the capital to ensure a peaceful succession for Yinzhen. It was Yinzhen who nominated Yinti for the post — not Yinsi, with whom Yinti was closely affiliated.
The official record, which may have been modified by Yongzheng for political purposes, states that on 20 December 1722 the ailing Kangxi Emperor called seven of his sons and the general commandant of the Peking gendarmerie, Longkodo, to his bedside; Longkodo read the will, and declared that Yinzhen succeed the emperor on the throne. Some evidence has suggested that Yinzhen contacted Longkodo months before the will was read in preparation for his succession by military means, although in their official capacities frequent encounters were expected. Legend has it that Yongzheng changed Kangxi's will by adding strokes and modifying characters. The best-known account says that Yongzheng changed "fourteen" (Chinese: 十四 → shísì) to "four" (Chinese: 于四 → yúsì); others say it was "fourteen" to "fourth" (Chinese: 第四 → dìsì). While widely accepted, there is little supporting evidence—especially considering that the character 于 was not widely used during the Qing Dynasty; on official documents, 於 (yú) is used. Secondly, Qing tradition insists that the will was done in both Manchu and Chinese; Manchu writing, however, is more intricate and (in this case) impossible to modify. Furthermore, princes in the Qing Dynasty are referred to as "the Emperor's son", in the order which they were born (for example, "the emperor's fourth son": Chinese: 皇四子). Therefore, there is doubt that Yinzhen changed the will to ascend to the throne.
18th-century Chinese painting of the Yongzheng Emperor wearing a European wig and dress, preparing to strike a tiger with a trident
The Yongzheng Emperor offering sacrifices at the altar of the god of agriculture, Shennong
18th-century painting of the Yongzheng Emperor in costumeYinzhen chose an era name similar in sound to his given name; 1723 was to be the first year of the Yongzheng era. For his first official act as emperor Yongzheng released his long-time ally—the 13th prince Yinxiang, who had been imprisoned by the Kangxi Emperor at the same time as the crown prince. Some sources indicate that Yinxiang, the most militant of the princes, then assembled a group of special Peking soldiers from the Fengtai command to seize immediate control of the Forbidden City and surrounding areas to prevent usurpation by Yinsi's cronies. Yongzheng's personal account stated that he was emotionally unstable and deeply saddened over his father's death, and knew it would be a burden "much too heavy" for himself if he were to succeed the throne. In addition, after the will was read Yinzhen wrote that the officials (premier Zhang Tingyu, Longkedo and Yinzhi) and Prince Cheng led the other princes in the ceremonial Three-Kneels and Nine-Salutes to the emperor. The following day Yongzheng issued an edict summoning Yinti back from Qinghai, bestowing on their mother the title "Holy Mother Empress Dowager" the day Yinti arrived at the funeral.
In the first major comprehensive biography of the Yongzheng Emperor by Feng Erkang, the author puts the Yongzheng succession in perspective. Feng writes that there were some suspicious signs from the lost wills and the dates released, but the majority of evidence points to Yinzhen succeeding the throne legitimately (although with political and military maneuvering deemed necessary by the situation). The eighth prince (Yinsi) had been bribing officials for support throughout his life, and his influence penetrated the Fengtai command. Furthermore, Feng suggests that "although we are not yet altogether certain on what happened with the succession, and which side is correct, it is reasonable to think that Yongzheng's political enemies manipulated all suspicion behind the will in an attempt to put a dark image on Yongzheng; Imperial Chinese tradition had led certain schools of thought in believing that Yongzheng's whole reign can be discredited simply because his succession of the throne did not come as a will of his father, the emperor and ultimate decision maker in China." He further suggests that Kangxi made a grave mistake by allowing his sons to become major political players (especially since the position of crown prince was empty) and a bloody battle of succession (including a possible usurpation) was the inevitable result of imperial Chinese institutions. Therefore, it would be an even-bigger mistake to judge a ruler solely on the way he came to power. Certainly, the Yongzheng Emperor ensured his successor would have a smooth transition when his turn came.
ReignAfter ascending to the throne in December 1722, Yinzhen took the era name "Harmonious Justice" (Chinese: 雍正 → yōngzhèng) in 1723 from his peerage title "harmonious" (Chinese: 雍 → yōng) and "just, correct, upright" (Chinese: 正 → zhèng). It has been suggested that the second character of his era name was an attempt to cover up his illegal claim to the throne by calling himself "justified". Immediately after succeeding to the throne, Yongzheng chose his new governing council. It consisted of the eighth prince Yinsi, the 13th prince Yinxiang, Zhang Tingyu, Ma Qi, and Longkodo. Yinsi was given the title of Prince Lian, and Yinxiang was given the title of Prince Yi; both held the highest positions in the land.
Battle with princesThe nature of his succession is deeply clouded, and Yongzheng saw challenges in all his surviving brothers. Yinzhi, the eldest, continued to live under house arrest; Yinreng, the former crown prince, died two years into his brother's reign (although they were both imprisoned not by Yongzheng, but by Kangxi). The biggest challenge was to separate Yinsi's party (consisting of Yinsi, the ninth and tenth princes and their minions), and isolate Yinti to reduce their power. Yinsi (who had nominally held the position of President of the Feudatory Affairs Office, the title "Prince Lian" and later the office of Prime Minister) was held under close watch by Yongzheng. Yintang was sent to Qinghai under the pretext of military service, but in reality fell within Yongzheng's trusted protégé Nian Gengyao's territory. Yin'e, the tenth prince, was stripped of all his titles in May 1724 and sent north to the Shunyi area. The 14th Prince Yinti (Yongzheng's full-brother) was placed under house arrest at the Imperial Tombs under the pretext of guarding their parents' tombs. The first few years of Yongzheng's reign saw an increase in partisan politics. Yinsi wanted to use his position to manipulate Yongzheng into errors, while appearing supportive. Yinsi and Yintang (both supporters of Yinti for the throne) were stripped of their titles, languished in prison and died in 1727.
Nian and LongNian Gengyao was a supporter of Yongzheng long before he succeeded to the throne. In 1722, when he was recalling his brother Yinti from the northwest, Yongzheng appointed Nian general. The situation in Xinjiang at the time was still precarious, and a strong general was needed in the area. After several military conquests, however, Nian Gengyao's lust for power grew; he reportedly wanted to be equal to Yongzheng. Seeing the situation unfold, Yongzheng issued an imperial edict demoting Nian to general of the Hangzhou Command. Continuing to be unrepentant, Nian was given an ultimatum and committed suicide by poison in 1726. Longkodo was commander of Peking's armies at the time of Yongzheng's succession. He fell in disgrace in 1728, and died under house arrest.
After becoming emperor, Yongzheng suppressed writings he deemed unfavorable to his regime, particularly those with an anti-Manchu bias. Foremost among these were those of Zeng Jing, an unsuccessful degree candidate heavily influenced by 17th-century scholar Lü Liuliang. Zeng had been so affected by what he read that he attempted to incite the governor-general of Shaanxi-Sichuan, Yue Zhongqi, to rebellion. The general promptly turned him in, and in 1730 the case reached Yongzheng Emperor. Highly concerned with the implications of the case, Yongzheng had Zeng Jing brought to Beijing for trial. The emperor's verdict seemed to demonstrate a Confucian sovereign's benevolence: He ascribed Zeng's actions to the gullibility and naïveté of a youth taken in by Lü's abusive and overdrawn rhetoric. In addition to this the emperor suggested that Lü's original attack on the Manchus was misplaced, since they had been transformed by their long-term exposure to the civilizing force of Confucianism.
Yongzheng is also known for establishing a strict autocracy rule during his reign. He detested corruption, and punished officials severely when they were found guilty of an offense. In 1729 he issued an edict prohibiting the smoking of madak,
a blend of tobacco and opium. During Yongzheng's reign the Qing Dynasty became a great power in Asia as well as a peaceful land, and he enhanced the Kangqian Period of Harmony (Chinese: 康乾盛世). In response to his father's tragedy, Yongzheng created a sophisticated procedure for choosing a successor. He was known for his trust in Mandarin officials. Li Wei and Tian Wenjing governed China's southern areas, with the assistance of Ortai.
"The Yongzheng Emperor Offering Sacrifice at the Xiannong Altar" in Beijing, Qing Dynasty painting
Expansion in the northwest
French map of "China and Chinese Tartary" from the Yongzheng era (1734)Like his father, Yongzheng used military force in order to preserve the dynasty's position in Outer Mongolia. When Tibet was torn by civil war in 1727–1728, he intervened militarily. After withdrawing, he left a Qing citizen (the amban) backed up with a military garrison to safeguard the dynasty's interests. For the Tibetan campaign Yongzheng sent an army of 230,000 (led by Nian Gengyao) against the Dzungars, who had an army of 80,000. Due to geography, the Qing army (although superior in numbers) was unable to engage the more-mobile enemy at first. Eventually, however, they engaged the Dzungars and defeated them. This campaign cost the treasury at least 8,000,000 taels of silver. Later in Yongzheng's reign, he would send a small army of 10,000 to fight the Dzungars. However, that army was annihilated and the Qing had faced the danger of losing control of Mongolia. Fortunately, a Khalkha ally of the Qing Dynasty would later defeat the Dzungars.
Following the reforms of 1729, the treasury increased from the 1721 total of 32,622,421 taels to about 60,000,000 taels in 1730, surpassing the record set during Yongzheng's father's (the Kangxi Emperor's) regime; however, the pacification of the Qinghai area and the defense on the border areas were heavy burdens. For safeguarding the borders alone, 100,000 taels were needed each year. The total military budget was up to 10,000,000 taels a year. By the end of 1735 military spending depleted half the treasury, which totaled 33,950,000 taels. It was because of this burden that the Yongzheng Emperor considered making peace with the Dzungars.
ReligionYongzheng was firmly against Christian converts among his own Manchu people. He warned them that the Manchus must follow only the Manchu way of worshipping Heaven since different peoples worshipped Heaven differently. Yongzheng stated: "The Lord of Heaven is Heaven itself.... In the empire we have a temple for honoring Heaven and sacrificing to Him. We Manchus have Tiao Tchin. The first day of every year we burn incense and paper to honor Heaven. We Manchus have our own particular rites for honoring Heaven; the Mongols, Chinese, Russians, and Europeans also have their own particular rites for honoring Heaven. I have never said that he [Urcen, a son of Sun] could not honor heaven but that everyone has his way of doing it. As a Manchu, Urcen should do it like us."
Death and successionThe Yongzheng Emperor ruled the Qing Empire for thirteen years before dying suddenly in 1735 at age 56. Legend holds that he was assassinated by Lü Siniang, daughter of Lü Liuliang, whose family was (reportedly) executed for literary crimes against the Manchu Regime. Another possible reason was that he had been a lover of Lü Siniang; Lü was the real mother of Qianlong, but Yongzheng refused to allow Lü to be the queen. In reality, it is likely his death was the result of an overdose of the medication he was consuming which he believed would prolong his life. Yongzheng Emperor's family life seems to have tragic undertones. Of the 14 children born to him and his Empress and consorts, only five are known to have survived to adulthood. To prevent the succession tragedy which he had faced, he ordered his third son (Hongshi, an ally of Yinsi) to commit suicide. He also put in place a system to choose his successor in secret. Yongzheng wrote his chosen successor's name on two pieces of paper, placed one piece of paper in a box and had the box stored behind the stele in the Qianqing Palace. He then kept the other copy with him or hid it. With his passing, the ministers would compare the paper in the box and with the copy Yongzheng had.If they were deemed identical, the person whose name was on the paper would be the new emperor.
His son Hongli, Prince Bao, then became the fifth emperor of the Qing dynasty under the era name of Qianlong. The Yongzheng Emperor was interred in the Western Qing Tombs (Chinese: 清西陵), 120 kilometres (75 mi) southwest of Beijing, in the Tailing (Chinese: 泰陵) mausoleum complex (known in Manchu as the Elhe Munggan).
FamilyFather: Kangxi Emperor (of whom he was the fourth son)
Mother: Concubine from the Manchu Uya clan (1660–1723), who became known as Empress Dowager Renshou (仁壽皇太后) when her son became emperor. She is posthumously known as Empress Xiaogongren (孝恭仁皇后; Manchu: Hiyoošungga Gungnecuke Gosin Hūwanghu).
ConsortsEmpress Xiaojingxian (孝敬憲皇后; Manchu: Hiyoošungga Ginggun Temgetulehe Hūwanghu; 1681–1731) of the Ulanara clan.
Empress Xiaoshengxian (孝聖憲皇后; Manchu: Hiyoošungga Enduringge Temgetulehe Hūwanghu; 1693–1777) of the Niohuru clan, mother of Hongli (the Qianlong Emperor).
Imperial Noble Consort Dunsu (敦肅皇貴妃; d. 1725), sister of Nian Gengyao; bore three sons and a daughter, none of whom survived.
Imperial Noble Consort Chunque (純愨皇貴妃; 1689–1784) née Geng, mother of Hongzhou; daughter of Geng Degin (耿德金).
Consort Qi (齊妃; d. 1737) née Li.
Consort Qian (謙妃; 1714–1767) née Liu; bore Yongzheng's youngest son Hongzhan. Daughter of Liu Man (劉滿).
Consort Ning (寧妃; d. 1734), née Wu, was the daughter of Wu Zhuguo (武柱國). Posthumously granted the title of Consort Ning in 1734.
Imperial Concubine Mao (懋嬪; d. 1730), née Song, bore two daughters. Daughter of Jinzhu (金柱).
Noble Lady Guo (郭貴人; d. 1786)
Noble Lady Li (李貴人; d. 1760), née Li.
Noble Lady An (安貴人; d. 1750)
Noble Lady Hai (海貴人; d. 1761)
Noble Lady Zhang (張貴人; d. 1735)
SonsHonghui (弘暉; 1697–1704), posthumously granted title of Prince Duan of the First Rank (端親王) by the Qianlong Emperor.
Hongpan (弘昐; 1697–1699)
Hongyun (弘昀; 1700–1710)
Hongshi (弘時; 1704–1726)
Hongli (弘曆; 1711–1799), the Qianlong Emperor.
Hongzhou (弘晝; 1712–1770), Prince Hegong of the First Rank (和恭親王).
Fuyi (福宜; 1720–1721)
Fuhui (福惠; 1721–1728), posthumously the title of Prince Huai of the First Rank (懷親王).
Fupei (福沛; 1723)
Hongzhan (弘瞻; 1733–1765): Prince Guogong of the Second Rank (果恭郡王).
DaughtersOldest daughter (1695)
Heshuo Princess Huaike (和碩懷恪公主; 1695–1717)
Third daughter (1706)
Fourth daughter (1715–1717)
Foster daughters:
Heshuo Princess Shushen (和碩淑慎公主; 1708–1784), sixth daughter of Yunreng.
Heshuo Princess Hehui (和碩和惠公主; 1714–1731), fourth daughter of Yunxiang.
Heshuo Princess Duanrou (和碩端柔公主; 1714–1754), eldest daughter of Yunlu (允祿).
Ancestry[show]Ancestors of Yongzheng Emperor
Nurhaci
8. Hong Taiji
Empress Xiaocigao
4. Shunzhi Emperor
Jaisang
9. Empress Xiaozhuangwen
Lady Mou
2. Kangxi Emperor
Tong Yangzhen
10. Tong Tulai
5. Empress Xiaokangzhang
1. Yinzhen, Yongzheng Emperor
6. Uya Weiwu
3. Empress Xiaogongren
In fiction and popular cultureThe Yongzheng Emperor is mentioned in Qing Dynasty writer Wenkang (文康)'s wuxia novel Ernü Yingxiong Zhuan (兒女英雄傳). It was adapted into the 1983 Hong Kong television series The Legend of the Unknowns (十三妹), and the 1986 Chinese film Lucky 13 (侠女十三妹).
A popular legend tells of the Yongzheng Emperor's death at the hands of a female assassin Lü Siniang (呂四娘), a fictitious granddaughter (or daughter, in some accounts) of Lü Liuliang. She did so to avenge her grandfather (or father), who was wrongly put to death by Yongzheng. The legend was adapted into many films and television series.
There were two legends about the origins of the Yongzheng Emperor's son and successor, the Qianlong Emperor. The first, more widely circulated in southern China, says that Qianlong is actually the son of Chen Shiguan (陳世倌), a Qing minister from Haining, Zhejiang. Shortly after birth, Qianlong was exchanged with one of Yongzheng's daughters and raised as Yongzheng's son and eventually succeeded to the throne. Wuxia writer Louis Cha (Jin Yong) adapted this legend for his novel The Book and the Sword. The second legend on Qianlong's origins, more popular in northern China, stated that during a trip to the Mulan Hunting Ground (木蘭圍場) in Rehe Province, Yongzheng had an illegitimate affair with a palace maid and they conceived a son, who would become the Qianlong Emperor.
The Yongzheng Emperor is featured as an important character in Tong Hua's novel Bu Bu Jing Xin and he had a romantic relationship with the protagonist Ma'ertai Ruoxi. In 2011 the novel was adapted into the Chinese television series Scarlet Heart.
The Yongzheng Emperor appears in the romance fantasy novel series Meng Hui Da Qing (梦回大清) by Yaoye (妖叶).
The Yongzheng Emperor in film and television Year Region Title Type Yongzheng Emperor actor Notes
1975 Hong Kong The Flying Guillotine
血滴子 Film Chiang Yang Produced by the Shaw Brothers Studio
1980 Hong Kong Dynasty
大內群英 Television series Alex Man 57 episodes
1988 Hong Kong The Rise and Fall of Qing Dynasty Season 2
滿清十三皇朝2 Television series Wai Lit 50 episodes
1994 Mainland China The Book and the Sword
书剑恩仇录 Television series Liu Dagang 32 episodes
1995 Hong Kong Secret Battle of the Majesty
九王奪位 Television series Kwong Wa 40 episodes
1996 Taiwan 雍正大帝 Television series Tou Chung-hua
1997 Taiwan Legend of YungChing
江湖奇俠傳 Television series Adam Cheng 58 / 59 episodes
1997 Hong Kong The Hitman Chronicle
大刺客 Television series Eddie Cheung 35 episodes
1997 Mainland China Yongzheng Dynasty
雍正王朝 Television series Tang Guoqiang 44 episodes
2001 Taiwan 玉指環 Television series Chin Han alternative Chinese title 才子佳人乾隆皇
2001 Mainland China Emperor Yong Zheng
雍正皇帝 Television series Liu Xinyi 31 episodes
2002 Mainland China Li Wei the Magistrate
李卫当官 Television series Tang Guoqiang 30 episodes; also known as Li Wei Becomes an Official
2002 Mainland China Jiangshan Weizhong
江山为重 Television series Liu Guanxiong 31 episodes; alternative Chinese title 大清帝国
2003 Mainland China Palace Painter Master Castiglione
宫廷画师郎世宁 Television series Kenny Bee 24 episodes
2003 Hong Kong The King of Yesterday and Tomorrow
九五至尊 Television series Kwong Wa 20 episodes
2004 Mainland China 36th Chamber of Southern Shaolin
南少林三十六房 Television series Zhang Tielin 32 episodes
2004 Mainland China Huang Taizi Mishi
皇太子秘史 Television series Zhao Hongfei 32 episodes
2004 Mainland China Li Wei the Magistrate 2
李卫当官2 Television series Tang Guoqiang 32 episodes
2005 Mainland China Shang Shu Fang
上书房 Television series Kou Zhenhai 52 episodes
2005 Mainland China The Juvenile Qianlong Emperor
少年宝亲王 Television series Zhang Guoli 40 episodes
2008 Mainland China The Book and the Sword
书剑恩仇录 Television series Shen Baoping 40 episodes
2010 Mainland China Hou Gong Zhen Huan Zhuan
后宫甄嬛传 Television series Chen Jianbin 76 episodes
2011 Mainland China Scarlet Heart
步步惊心 Television series Nicky Wu 35 episodes
2011 Mainland China Palace
宫锁心玉 Television series Mickey He 35 episodes
2012 Mainland China Palace II
宫锁珠帘 Television series Mickey He 35 episodes