| 姓： | 爱新觉罗 | |||||||||
| 名： | 胤禛 | |||||||||
| 网笔号： | 清世宗 | |||||||||
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清世宗雍正清世宗年轻时跟从顾八代、徐元梦等学习经史，又与禅僧接近，稍懂佛学。曾随圣祖巡幸江南，朝佛五台山，秋狝热河(今河北承德)，并奉命往祭曲阜孔庙、盛京(今辽宁沈阳)祖陵。清圣祖亲征噶尔丹，从征掌正红旗大营。康熙末年，同其他皇子争为储君。圣祖驾崩后，他在十三皇子胤祥的帮助下继承帝位。又传他在隆科多的帮助下夺了抚远大将军胤禵的帝位。雍正继承帝位究竟是康熙亲传，还是篡改遗诏篡位，是一个有争议的问题，尚无定论。
清世宗即位时已四十五岁，加之前此的经历，使他比较了解世情，并具有丰富的统治经验。即位后，他在政治上采取多种措施以巩固自己的皇位。首先是消除异己，分化瓦解诸皇子集团，将胤禵从西北军前召回，加以圈禁。晋封胤禩为廉亲王和总理事务大臣。将胤禟发往青海西大通(今青海大通西北)。鉴于清朝没有行之有效的立储制度，常因皇位继承权产生争端，创立了秘密立储制度。雍正元年(1723)，接受山西巡抚诺岷的建议，施行耗羡归公和养廉银的措施，以此限制、减少官员的贪赃舞弊和横征暴敛。二年，又针对康熙末年各地亏空钱粮严重，决定严格清查，对贪官污吏即行抄家追赃，对民间拖欠，命在短期内分年带征。三年，世宗以作威作福、结党营私之名，责令抚远大将军年羹尧自尽，同时削隆科多太保，后圈禁致死。并因此株连出汪景祺《西征随笔》案和查嗣庭试题案。七年，发生曾静遣其徒张熙策动川陕总督岳钟琪谋反的投书案，牵连到已故理学家吕留良，世宗遂大兴文字狱，以作为控制思想、打击政敌、提高自己权威的手段。同年，为适应西北用兵之需，始设军机房(十年时改军机处)，选亲重大臣协办军务。军机大臣只能缮述皇帝命令，本身无赞画权，因而使皇帝更加集权于一身。他还在题本、奏本之外，命督抚布按等地方大员密折奏事，以加强皇帝对地方行政的控制。
在经济上采取了一些旨在发展农业生产的措施。雍正二年，开始实行直隶巡抚李维钧提出的“摊丁入亩” 的赋役制度，同时宣布取消儒户、宦户，限制绅衿特权，使无论贫富力役负担比较合理。同时，为了解决人口日益增长所需粮食问题，更加严格地执行传统的重农抑末方针，鼓励垦荒，强调粮食生产，反对种植经济作物，并反对开矿和发展手工业。他注意兴修水利，除治理黄河、建筑浙江海塘外，命怡亲王胤祥在直隶开展营田水利，在宁夏修筑和疏浚水渠。与此同时，实行社会改革。雍正元年，下令削除山西、陕西乐籍，并命其他贱籍也照此办理。后来浙江绍兴惰民、安徽徽州“伴当 ”、宁国世仆、广东疍户、江苏常熟丐户相继开豁为良，从而打击了残存的蓄奴制度，对社会发展起了积极作用。
世宗在位期间还注意同少数民族的关系及外交关系。雍正四年，根据云贵总督鄂尔泰的建议，大规模地推行改土归流政策，取消云南、贵州、广西、湖南、四川等省的一些土司，加强了中央对该地区的统治。五年，清廷同俄国订立了《布连斯奇条约》和《恰克图条约》 ，在划定中俄边界及处理两国通商问题等方面，维护了国家主权。
清世宗把他批阅过的奏折选择一部分辑成《朱批谕旨》 。他对臣工的谕旨，由张廷玉等纪录编成《上谕内阁》 、 《上谕八旗》 。他的各种体裁的文章被后人辑为《御制文集》 。雍正十三年，世宗卒。谥宪皇帝。
主要功绩
整顿吏治。雍正皇帝即位之初，吏治废弛，贪污腐败已然成风。他克服各个方面的阻力，在全国上下大规模的开展清查亏空，设立会考府，实行耗羡归公，实行养廉银制度，取缔陋规等多项工作，由于他态度决断，雷厉风行，清朝的财政状况在短时间内得到明显改善，官吏贪污吏治腐败的坏况都有很大的转变。旅日华人学者杨启樵说：“康熙宽大，乾隆疏阔，要不是雍正的整饬，清朝恐早衰亡。”有“雍正一朝，无官不清”的说法。
摊丁入亩。这是一项重大的赋税改革。中国自古就有人丁税，成年男子，不论贫富，均须缴纳人头税。雍正实行改革，将人丁税摊入地亩，按地亩之多少，定纳税之数目。地多者多纳，地少者少纳，无地者不纳。是谓"摊丁入地",一举取消了人头税。这项措施有利于贫民而不利于地主，是我国财政赋税史上的一项重大改革。耗羡归公。我国古代以银、铜为货币，征税时，银两在兑换、熔铸、保存、运解中有一定损耗，故征税时有一定附加费。此项附加费称"耗羡"或"火耗",一向由地方州县征收，作为地方办公及官吏们的额外收入。耗羡无法定征收额，州县随心所欲，从重征收，有的抽正税一两、耗羡达五六钱，人民负担甚重。雍正实行"耗羡归公",将此项附加费变为法定税款、固定税额，由督抚统一管理，所得税款，除办公费用外，作为"养廉银",大幅度提高官吏们的俸入。这样，既减轻了人民负担，又保证了廉政的推行。故雍正说:"自行此法以来，吏治稍得澄清，闾阎咸免扰累。" 这就是所谓的“高薪养廉”。
创立军机处，推广奏折制度。明代权力集于内阁，故有权相产生。清雍正把权力进一步集中在皇帝手中，创立军机处，作为皇帝的秘书班子，为皇帝出主意、写文件，理政务，"军国大计，罔不总揽"。其特点是处理政事精简速密。军机大臣直接与各地、各部打交道，了解地方情形，传达皇帝意旨。此机构存在200年，直至清末。与创立军机处伴随的是推广奏折制度。由于以前的官文书批转手续繁复，且经多人阅看，时间拖延且难于保密，而奏折则向皇帝直接呈送，直达皇帝本人。雍正扩大了可向皇帝上奏折的人数，不同身份的官吏可以及时反映情况，报告政务，使皇帝洞察下情，以便制定政策;也使官员们相互监督，皇帝得以了解他们的贤愚、勤惰、政绩、操守。
改土归流。我国西南及其他一些少数民族聚居的地区，实行土司制度，其职务为世袭，仅名义上接受清朝的册封。土司们生杀予夺、骄恣专擅。这种制度妨碍了国家的统一和地区经济文化的发展。雍正即位后，废除了云南、贵州、广西、四川、湖南各地的许多土司，改成和全国一致的州县制度。"改土归流"是一场严重的斗争，许多土司武装反抗，雍正坚决派兵平定。在平叛战争中虽然也累及无辜，给少数民族造成伤害，但从长远来说，"改土归流"是进步的措施，打击和限制了土司的割据和特权，对民族地区的经济文化发展有利。
雍正前期严格执行海禁，但后因考虑沿海的确百姓疾苦，于雍正五年开放洋禁。允许民人往南洋贸易。海禁施行于闽、粤两省。雍正对当时的鸦片贸易也较为重视，他的鸦片政策是：贩卖毒品，严惩不贷，严格区分药用鸦片与毒品鸦片烟，毒品严禁，药用不干涉，且照顾小本商人的正当利益。对待西欧来的使者，雍正也以礼相待。他虽竭力反对天主教等在中国民间的传播（这其中一部分的原因也在于封建皇帝思想的保守性），但同时，他对天主教也并无恶意，五年，博尔都噶尔（今葡萄牙）使臣麦德乐来京。雍正对他的优待，使他深为感激。甚至于雍正寿辰之时，在天主堂作祈祷，为之祝寿。雍正还选了一些有才能的传教士在宫中研制外国仪器和烧造材料。马戛尔尼当年来华，有一部分原因是雍正在伏尔泰笔下的“开明”为欧洲人所共知，使他们对中国皇帝（当时是乾隆）与对华通商充满了美好的幻想。
作为一个封建皇帝，他虽然开放洋禁，为南方沿海一部分人民恢复康熙末年被剥夺的谋生手段，促进中国与南洋地区进行经济文化交流，但同时，他也不可避免地具有其局限性。
另外，废除贱籍，废除腰斩也是他一个功绩。其实，废除腰斩的原因是这样的：雍正皇帝有一次杀了一个人，是用腰斩，因为腰斩是一刀从腰部砍下去，砍下去之后人还活着，这个人在被砍之后，用手指蘸着血在地上连写七个“惨”字，雍正皇帝听说之后觉得非常惨，所以就下令废除腰斩。
他在位短短的13年所做出的改革，比他父亲（康熙）所做出的改革还要多。可以说雍正是一个改革型的皇帝。
清世宗勤于政务，大力清除康熙统治后期的各种积弊，取得一定成效，对清代历史发展有一定贡献。但他统治严酷，猜忌多疑，刻薄寡恩，这是他性格的弱点，从而容易得罪很多官僚阶级。同时，也正是因为他的严厉统治和超乎寻常的努力当中大清帝国逐渐走向鼎盛，也才为康乾盛世起了承前启后的作用。
另外，雍正的勤奋不仅是过去皇帝，就算在现代领导人，也没有几个可以跟他媲美的。他在位12年8个月里头，几乎每天都工作到深夜。一年之中只有在他生日那天才会休息。而且每天的睡眠还不够4个小时。仅仅在数万件奏折中所写下的批语，就多达1000多万字。
家庭组成
生于康熙十七年（1678年）十月三十。母孝恭仁皇后十一岁前为孝懿仁皇后养子。康熙亲征葛尔丹时，胤禛奉命掌管正红旗大营。20岁，被封为贝勒，31岁，晋雍亲王。康熙驾崩，胤禛即位，为雍正帝。
雍正子女
雍正皇帝先后得十子四女，皇长子和皇次子幼年去世。密诏中，雍正把皇位传给皇四子宝亲王弘历，即乾隆。命皇三子弘时自毙。皇五子弘昼从小软弱，未能也无意和兄长们争位。
爱新觉罗·弘晖，长子，端亲王。
爱新觉罗·弘时，三子，削宗籍。
爱新觉罗·弘历，四子，清高宗，乾隆帝。
爱新觉罗·弘昼，五子，和恭亲王。
爱新觉罗·弘瞻，六子，果恭郡王，后为果毅亲王爱新觉罗·允礼之后。
爱新觉罗·福惠，七子，怀亲王。
爱新觉罗·弘昀，早殇。
爱新觉罗·弘昐，早殇。
爱新觉罗·福宜，早殇。
爱新觉罗·福沛，早殇。
长女（1694年），康熙三十三年三月十六生，未逾月殇，母懋嫔宋氏（时为雍亲王府格格）；
和硕怀恪公主，次女，母齐妃李氏（时为雍亲王侧妃）；
三女（1706年），康熙四十五年十二月初五生，未逾月殇，母懋嫔宋氏（时为雍亲王府格格）；
四女（1715年—1717年），康熙五十四年三月十二生，五十六年五月殇，母敦肃皇贵妃年氏（时为雍亲王侧妃）
养女和硕淑慎公主，理亲王允礽第六女，母侧福晋唐氏；
养女和硕和惠公主，怡亲王允祥第四女，母嫡福晋兆佳氏；
养女和硕端柔公主，庄亲王允禄长女，母嫡福晋郭络罗氏。
全部皇子按出生先后统排|生卒年|玉牒排序|日常生活中排行称呼|
一、弘晖|康熙三十六年三月生，康熙四十三年殇8岁|第一子|
二、弘昐|康熙三十六年六月生，康熙三十八年二月殇3岁| 无 |
三、弘昀|康熙三十九年八月生，康熙四十九年殇11岁|第二子|
四、弘时|康熙四十三年二月生，雍正五年八月六日死24岁|第三子|皇三子，三阿哥
五、弘历|康熙五十年八月生，嘉庆四年正月死89岁|第四子|皇四子、四阿哥、宝亲王|
六、弘昼|康熙五十年十一月生，乾隆三十五年死60岁|第五子|皇五子、五阿哥、和亲王|
七、福宜|康熙五十九年五月生，康熙六十年正月殇2岁| 无 |
八、福慧|康熙六十年十月生，雍正六年九月殇8岁| 无 |八阿哥|
九、福沛|雍正元年五月生，旋殇| 无 |
十、弘曕|雍正十一年六月生、乾隆三十年三月死33岁|第六子|六阿哥、圆明园阿哥、果郡王。
弘曕是雍正第十个儿子，序齿排行为六。
世宗十子：
孝敬宪皇后生端亲王弘晖，
孝圣宪皇后生高宗，
纯悫皇贵妃耿佳氏生和恭亲王弘昼
敦肃皇贵妃年佳氏生福宜、怀亲王福惠、福沛
谦妃刘氏生果恭郡王弘瞻
齐妃李氏生弘昀、弘时、弘昐
弘曕后为果毅亲王允礼后。弘昀、弘昐、福宜、福沛皆殇，无封。
弘时雍正五年以放纵不谨，削宗籍，无封。
端亲王弘晖，世宗第一子。八岁殇。高宗即位，追封亲王，谥曰端。
和恭亲王弘昼，世宗第五子。雍正十一年，封和亲王。十三年，设办理苗疆事务处，命高宗与弘昼领其事。乾隆间，预议政。弘昼少骄抗，上每优容之。尝监试八旗子弟于正大光明殿，日晡，弘昼请上退食，上未许。弘昼遽曰：“上疑吾买嘱士子耶？”明日，弘昼入谢，上曰：“使昨答一语，汝齑粉矣！”待之如初。性复奢侈，世宗雍邸旧赀，上悉以赐之，故富于他王。好言丧礼，言：“人无百年不死者，奚讳为？”尝手订丧仪，坐庭际，使家人祭奠哀泣，岸然饮啖以为乐。作明器象鼎彝盘盂，置几榻侧。三十年，薨，予谥。子永璧，袭。三十七年，薨，谥曰勤。子绵伦，袭郡王。三十九年，薨，谥曰谨。弟绵循，袭。嘉庆二十二年，薨，谥曰恪。子奕亨，袭贝勒。卒，子载容，袭贝子。同治中，加贝勒衔。卒，谥敏恪。子溥廉，袭镇国公。
怀亲王福惠，世宗第七子。八岁殇。高宗即位，追封亲王，谥曰怀。
雍正后妃
世宗孝敬宪皇后，乌喇那拉氏，满洲正黄旗人，内大臣费扬古女。世宗为皇子，圣祖册后为嫡福晋。雍正元年，册为皇后。九年九月己丑，崩。时上病初愈，欲亲临含敛，诸大臣谏止。上谕曰：“皇后自垂髫之年，奉皇考命，作配朕躬。结褵以来，四十馀载，孝顺恭敬，始终一致。朕调理经年，今始全愈，若亲临丧次，触景增悲，非摄养所宜。但皇后丧事，国家典仪虽备，而朕礼数未周。权衡轻重，如何使情文兼尽，其具议以闻。”诸大臣议，以明会典皇后丧无亲临祭奠之礼，令皇子朝夕奠，遇祭，例可遣官，乞停亲奠，从之。谥孝敬皇后。及世宗崩，合葬泰陵。乾隆、嘉庆累加谥，曰孝敬恭和懿顺昭惠庄肃安康佐天翊圣宪皇后。
孝圣宪皇后，钮祜禄氏，满洲镶黄旗人，四品典仪凌柱女。后年十三，事世宗潜邸，号格格。康熙五十年八月庚午，高宗生。雍正中，封熹妃，进熹贵妃。高宗即位，以世宗遗命，尊为皇太后，居慈宁宫。高宗事太后孝，以天下养，惟亦兢兢守家法，重国体。太后偶言顺天府东有废寺当重修，上从之。即召宫监，谕：“汝等尝侍圣祖，几曾见昭圣太后当日令圣祖修盖庙宇？嗣后当奏止！”宫监引悟真庵尼入内，导太后弟入苍震门谢恩，上屡诫之。上每出巡幸，辄奉太后以行，南巡者三，东巡者三，幸五台山者三，幸中州者一。谒孝陵，狝木兰，岁必至焉。遇万寿，率王大臣奉觞称庆。
乾隆十六年，六十寿；二十六年，七十寿；三十六年，八十寿：庆典以次加隆。先期，日进寿礼九九。先以上亲制诗文、书画，次则如意、佛像、冠服、簪饰、金玉、犀象、玛瑙、水晶、玻璃、珐琅、彝鼎、赩器、书画、绮绣、币帛、花果，诸外国珍品，靡不具备。太后为天下母四十馀年，国家全盛，亲见曾玄。
四十二年正月庚寅，崩，年八十六。葬泰陵东北，曰泰东陵。初尊太后，上徽号。国有庆，屡加上，曰崇德慈宣康惠敦和裕寿纯禧恭懿安祺宁豫皇太后。既葬，上谥。嘉庆中，再加谥，曰孝圣慈宣康惠敦和诚徽仁穆敬天光圣宪皇后。子一，高宗。
敦肃皇贵妃，年氏，汉军镶黄旗人，巡抚遐龄女。事世宗潜邸，为侧福晋。雍正元年，封贵妃。三年十一月，妃病笃，进皇贵妃。并谕妃病如不起，礼仪视皇贵妃例行。妃薨逾月，妃兄羹尧得罪死。谥曰敦肃皇贵妃。乾隆初，从葬泰陵。子三：福宜、福惠、福沛，皆殇。女一，亦殇。
纯悫皇贵妃，耿氏，满洲镶黄旗人。事世宗潜邸，为格格。雍正间，封裕嫔，进裕妃。高宗时，屡加尊为裕皇贵太妃。乾隆四十九年，薨，年九十六。谥曰纯悫皇贵妃。葬妃园寝，位诸妃上。子一，弘昼。
世宗诸妃，又有：齐妃，李氏。事世宗潜邸，为侧室福晋。雍正间，封齐妃。子三：弘昐、弘昀，皆殇；弘时。女一，下嫁星德。谦妃，刘氏。事世宗潜邸，号贵人。雍正间，封谦嫔。高宗尊为皇考谦妃。子一，弘曕。懋嫔，宋氏。事世宗，号格格。雍正初，封懋嫔。女二，皆殇。
清后妃之世宗后妃（感谢富察阿林提供资料）
世宗宪皇帝孝敬恭和懿顺昭惠庄肃安康佐天翊圣宪皇后乌喇纳拉氏，管步军统领事、内大臣、赠承恩公费扬古女。康熙时，世宗居皇子位，奉圣祖赐，册以后为皇子嫡妃。三十六年，生皇长子赠端亲王弘晖。世宗登极，雍正元年十二月，立为皇后。九年辛亥九月二十九日崩，寿五十世宗谕旨云：垂髫之年，作配朕躬，结缡以来，四十余载。殆康熙二十八九年来嫔，寿据此推得之。又按生年未详，生日为五月十三日。十二月，谥曰孝敬皇后。十三年，高宗嗣位，十一月，加上尊谥曰孝敬恭和懿顺昭惠佐天翊圣宪皇后，升祔太庙。乾隆二年三月，合葬泰陵。嘉庆四年五月，加上尊谥庄肃二字。二十五年十二月，加上安康二字，即今谥。
孝圣慈宣康惠敦和诚徽仁穆敬天光圣宪皇后钮祜禄氏，为巴图鲁、赠弘毅公额亦都曾孙女，四品典仪、追封一等承恩公凌柱女。康熙三十一年壬申十一月二十五日生，四十三年，年十三，赐侍世宗藩邸，为格格。五十年八月，生皇四子，是为高宗。世宗登极，雍正元年十二月，册封熹妃，后晋熹贵妃。十三年九月，高宗嗣位，尊世宗遗命，尊为皇太后。十二月，上徽号曰崇庆皇太后。乾隆元年七月，移居慈宁宫。二年十二月，因册立皇后，加上徽号慈宣二字。十一年九月，高宗奉之幸五台山。十三年二月，高宗奉之东巡。十四年四月，因册立摄六宫事皇贵妃，兼以平定金川，加上徽号康惠二字。十五年二月，高宗奉之幸五台山。八月，因册立皇贵妃为皇后，加上徽号敦和二字。旋，高宗奉之幸中州。十六年正月，高宗奉之南巡。十一月，六旬慈庆，加上徽号裕寿二字。二十年六月，因平定准噶尔，加上纯禧二字。二十二年正月，高宗奉之南巡。二十六年二月，高宗奉之幸五台山。十一月，七旬慈庆，加上徽号恭懿二字。二十七年正月及三十年正月，高宗均奉之南巡。三十六年二月，高宗奉之东巡。十一月，八旬慈庆，加上徽号安祺二字。四十一年二月，高宗奉之东巡。五月，因平定金川，加上徽号宁豫二字。至是，为崇庆慈宣康惠敦和裕寿纯禧恭懿安祺宁豫皇太后。四十二年丁酉正月二十三日，崩于圆明园之长春仙馆，寿八十有六。三月，上尊谥曰孝圣慈宣康惠敦和敬天光圣宪皇后。四月，葬泰陵东北曰泰东陵。五月，升祔太庙。嘉庆四年五月，加上尊谥诚徽二字。二十五年十二月，加上仁穆二字，即今谥。
敦肃皇贵妃年氏，湖北巡抚、后加太傅、一等公年遐龄之女，原授一等公、抚远大将军、川陕总督年羹尧之女弟也。为世宗藩邸侧妃，康熙五十四年，生皇四女。五十九年，生皇子福宜。六十年，生皇子赠怀亲王福慧。雍正元年五月，生皇子福沛。十二月，册封贵妃。三年乙巳十一月，病亟，晋皇贵妃。旋于是月二十三日卒，十二月，谥曰敦肃皇贵妃。乾隆二年三月，从葬泰陵。
纯悫（què ）皇贵妃耿氏，满洲镶黄旗人，管领耿德金女。康熙二十八年已巳十一月生，初入侍世宗藩邸，为格格。五十年，生皇五子和恭亲王弘昼。世宗登极，雍正元年十二月，册封裕嫔，后晋裕妃。乾隆二年九月，高宗晋尊为皇考裕贵妃。四十三年十月，以年届九旬，晋尊为裕皇贵太妃。四十九年甲辰十二月十七日卒，年九十有六。明年二月，谥曰纯懿皇贵妃，寻葬妃园寝，位列诸妃之上。
齐妃李氏，知府李文熚女。初为世宗藩邸侧妃，康熙三十四年，生皇二女和硕怀恪公主。三十六年，生皇子弘昐。三十九年，生皇二子弘昀。四十三年，生皇三子弘时。世宗登极，雍正元年十二月，册封齐妃。乾隆二年丁巳四月初七日卒。
谦妃刘氏，管领刘满女。康熙五十三年甲午生，初入宫号贵人。雍正十一年六月，生皇六子果毅郡王弘曕，册封谦嫔。乾隆二年九月，高宗晋尊为皇考谦妃。三十二年丁亥五月二十一日卒，年五十四。
宁妃武氏，知州武柱国女。雍正十二年甲寅五月二十四日卒，追封为宁妃。
懋嫔宋氏，主事金柱女。初入侍世宗藩邸，为格格。康熙三十三年，生皇长女。四十五年，生皇三女。世宗登极，雍正元年十二月，册封懋嫔。八年庚戌卒。
郭贵人，初封常在，雍正七年晋为贵人。乾隆五十一年正月卒。三月入葬地宫。
李贵人，雍正七年被封为贵人。乾隆二十五年四月二十八日卒，二十九日奉移泰陵妃园寝。
安贵人，乾隆十五年卒。暂安于殡宫。
海贵人，雍正三年为常在，十三年为晋为贵人。乾隆二十六年十二月卒，二十七年四月葬地宫。
张贵人，初为常在，十三年晋为贵人。雍正十三年四月二十一日卒。
老贵人，葬东陵苏麻喇姑园寝。
那常在，雍正十三年前卒，暂安于田村，后奉安泰陵妃园寝。
李常在，雍正八年为答应，十四年晋常在。乾隆五十年后卒。
马常在，雍正七年为答应，八年晋常在。乾隆三十三年卒。四十年十月葬地宫。
春常在，雍正十三年为常在。乾隆二十六年后卒。
高常在，雍正七年四月为答应，八年为常在。雍正十年卒，乾隆二年仍暂安于殡宫，后奉安泰陵妃园寝。
常常在，雍正七年初为常在。雍正十年卒，乾隆二年仍暂安于安于田村，后奉安泰陵妃园寝。
顾常在，雍正十三年前卒，暂安于田村，后奉安泰陵妃园寝。
吉常在，不详
苏答应，雍正四年已入宫，雍正七年后卒。
英答应，原名兰英。其余不详。
汪答应，不详
德答应，不详
张格格，生卒年不详，奉安于泰陵妃园寝。
伊格格，生卒年不详，奉安于泰陵妃园寝。
张格格，生卒年不详，奉安于泰陵妃园寝。
云惠，不详
母子失和
清世宗雍正皇帝自幼为康熙表妹，时为皇贵妃的佟佳氏（即一等公佟国维之女孝懿仁皇后）所抚养，虽并非过继，但因彼时中宫久虚，佟佳氏以副后身份统摄后宫，位份尊贵，佟佳氏膝下犹空，胤禛出生后数年方诞下一女，旋即而卒，故伊视胤禛为己出，殷勤备至，关爱有加，而雍正则蒙其庇荫，承其恩泽，算起来当是康熙诸子中除了二阿哥胤礽（生母为四朝元老索尼，索额图之侄女孝诚仁皇后赫舍里氏，初谥“仁孝皇后”）、十阿哥胤誐（生母为温熹贵妃纽祜禄氏，孝昭仁皇后之妹，遏必隆之女）以外，位份最为尊荣的一位皇子，因此从小即能受到一定的重视。幼时的胤禛乃凭借着这层得天独厚的机缘，被鞠养于康熙宫中，得到父皇的亲自抚育，所谓 “‘母’爱者子抱”，一时之间其乐融融，甚为温馨和谐。他们父子间的感情基础也因这层关系，而显得特别深厚牢固。
清宫惯例，皇子出生后或由官员抚养，或由其他妃嫔抚养，总之一言以蔽之，皇子诞下之后独不可付与生母抚育。这可能是为了杜绝后宫干政吧，所以有清一代，除了慈禧以外，大体上杜绝了后妃预事及外戚祸国的弊政。但是这种“防弊”之策也非一无瑕疵，由于缺乏接触和沟通，这极有可能会导致出现亲生母子间互生隔阂，彼此猜忌，感情不睦，关系漠然等如是尴尬的境况。而不幸的是，雍正和其生母德妃之间的关系就是这样陌生而紧张，冷淡而无奈。
究其原因，可以总结为以下几点：
第一，因为胤禛从出生起即由佟佳氏抚养（胤禛后来回忆佟佳氏时曾感念其“抚冲龄而顾复，备蒙鞠育之仁，溯十载之劬劳，莫报生成之德”《清世宗实录》第十一卷，第九页。），一直到他十一岁左右佟佳氏病逝，幼年的胤禛都是在这位母亲之呵护和教导下一天一天成长起来的。“生恩不及养恩大”，所以胤禛感养母恩遇之素深，同孝懿仁皇后亲近，反而与亲娘生疏则是很自然的事情，亦合人之常情。（甚或这种情感上的亲疏还“延及”到雍正的子孙，乾嘉年间佟佳氏累次加谥，但是作为皇帝的生母乌雅氏却偏偏没有这种殊荣，仿佛她是什么不相干的人，生生地被抛在了一边，极不寻常之中隐隐地透露出雍正和德妃之间“耐人寻味”的“母子”关系。）
第二，佟佳氏是康熙的表妹，位份尊贵，自康熙第二位皇后（即孝昭仁皇后，康熙朝四辅政大臣遏必隆的女儿）死后，一直位列皇贵妃之位，即所谓的副后，掌管后宫，是诸位皇子之嫡母，她的尊贵一定让年幼的雍正产生一种依属感和安全感，出于生存的本能他必定会竭尽全力地去讨养母的好，以期获得她的欢心，久而久之在这种潜移默化之下则难免“沦为”一个懂得如何察言观色、趋炎附势的“势利眼儿”，对于自己的亲生母亲的态度想来也会由于养母的存在和在宫廷之中生存立足的需要以及祖宗的成法，而不敢过分亲近，胤禛甚至很有可能在有意或无意中表现出一种以佟佳氏之子身份自居的“小小”情绪，生母德妃看在眼里心中定然很不畅快，久而久之他们之间的母子关系便会蒙上一层阴影，结也越结越死了。
第三，“天下的父母皆是偏心的”，此乃古今常理。况且大多数的母亲都会特别疼爱溺宠幼子，这是她们天生的情结。胤祚（康熙的第六子，德妃所生的第二个儿子）在的时候她疼胤祚，胤祚死了她自然就去疼十四子（胤祯，雍正时更名为胤禵）喽，想来雍正心中对此也一直耿耿于怀，母子间的隔阂愈见增大。
第四，当然就得专门说说四阿哥本身的问题了，这个头发卷曲语速极快的孩子，自幼就被康熙说成是"喜怒不定"，可见年幼时心绪不佳，心中承受不住方方面面带给他的重压，往往会突然而然的发作，有时甚或近乎歇斯底里了。做母亲的大多喜欢听话乖巧的孩子，对于像他这样有些忧郁的孩子（美国史学大师史景迁如是认为，语见《中国皇帝康熙自画像》页172，上海远东出版社。），自然很难博得母亲的欢心。
第五，胤禛即位即封隆科多（佟佳氏的弟弟）为舅舅，却反而把自己的嫡亲舅舅撂在一边，不以为意，这不等于向全世界宣布“我只承认佟佳氏这位养母是我唯一的母亲”了嘛，他的做法和《红楼梦》中的探春也实实如出一辙，显然在他的心底还是很不喜欢自己的亲娘，并且或多或少的将此公开化，（他的脾气性情本就是如此，很多时候都会他并不是如人们想象一般，将自己的感情遮遮掩掩，而是公开或半公开的一吐而快。）易位而处，若你是德妃眼见自己的亲生儿子如此藐视自己恐怕也会气不打一处来吧。再想想看天底下会有哪一个儿子选择每天五更（凌晨三至五点）这个时候去给母亲请安的（《大义觉迷录》卷一，《清史资料第四辑》，中华书局1983年版，页11。雍正自暴隐情），他们名为母子，实则形同陌路，二人之间本就没什么话说，甚至大多数时候都是话不投机针锋相对的，但是为了避免背负不孝的罪名，雍正只能赶在母亲尚未起身的这个点儿前去“请安”，（实际上就是走个过场）互不碰面才能免生尴尬。说句实话，这招真是够绝的了，不过从中也隐约的透露出雍正内心的无奈与辛酸。
第六，德妃以“皇帝诞膺大委，理应受贺。与我行礼，有何紧要” （萧奭：《永宪录》，卷一。）为由，拒不接受皇帝给自己行礼，害得登基大典差点都开不了场，使得雍正朝的第一次嘉礼这么大煞风景的开场，也似谶语似的注定了雍正朝凄凄惨惨的悲剧收场。
此外，这位母亲还曾放话说，雍正即位，"实非梦之所期"，这是什么意思？！这不明摆着告诉众人说，他——自己的嫡亲儿子（！）继承大统，就连我这个亲生母亲做梦都想不到，实际上就是不承认雍正即位的合法性，对他践祚的挑战。在政治环境如此险恶的情况下，在那么多政敌对她自己亲生儿子虎视眈眈的情况下，她这么说显然将会受人以柄，显然会把雍正往绝路上推，而她连想都没想，连怕都没怕，就这么说，这么做了！！！这么绝情，偏心得这么明显，若是我也不可能和她搞好关系，更何况好强好名如雍正者乎？！
德妃生前，断然不肯接受“仁寿”皇太后的尊号，也不肯从自己原先居住的永和宫移居到太后应住的宁寿宫去，故她甫一咽气，雍正便将她的梓宫（即棺材）移到宁寿宫，停灵三天才放到帝后死后应停灵的地方——寿皇殿，曲折的透露出雍正心中的忿恨与不平，其中的三昧着实耐人寻味。
还有，胤禛因早年中过暑，故而特别怕热，德妃死后，虽天气酷热非常，但为免落他人（？！）以口实，他坚持守灵，以致数度昏厥，身体不支，在他给心腹年羹尧的密折中就有这样的话——“朕安，你实在为朕放心，实力不能撑，也顾不得丢丑了。况受过暑，一点热也受不得，只得以身荷之重，着实惜养，不必为朕过虑。”一种负气、愤懑的情绪，一看便明，母子之间关系若此，实在是雍正一生莫大的悲哀。
兴文字狱
1.年羹尧案
雍正朝的文字狱始自年羹尧案。年羹尧是汉军镶黄旗人，进士出身而有用兵之才，在川藏一带平叛屡建功勋，康熙末年授定西将军、兼理川陕总督，一意依附当时还是雍亲王的允禛。胤禛即位后，年羹尧备受宠信，累授川陕总督、太保、抚远大将军，爵封一等公。年羹尧又因妹妹是雍正暴君的妃子，开始居功自傲，雍正忍无可忍，终动杀机。雍正三年(1724年)二月，出现“日月合璧，五星联珠”的天文奇观，臣僚上表称贺，年也上表，但一是字体潦草，二是将成语 “朝乾夕惕”写成了“夕惕朝乾”，此语意为终日勤慎，就是写倒了意思也不变。雍正以年羹尧居功藐上，心怀不轨，那些对年羹尧有怨怼的人见皇上带了头，便群起而攻之，于是年羹尧被劾成九十二条大罪。年羹尧自抚远大将军而杭州将军，即而被令自裁，亲族、同党或斩首或流放或贬谪。
年羹尧死后七天，汪景祺斩首示众，即汪景祺西征随笔案。汪景祺，浙江杭州人，雍正初年，他的朋友胡期恒任陕西布政使，是其上司年羹尧的心腹。汪景祺前往探访，乘机投书干谒年羹尧，做了年羹尧的临时幕客。汪景祺这次西游著有《读书堂西征随笔》二卷，献年羹尧收藏。年羹尧得罪抄家，《西征随笔》被缴进宫中。雍正读后咬牙切齿地在首页题字云：“悖谬狂乱，至于此极！惜见此之晚，留以待他日，弗使此种得漏网也。”大约是随笔提及“狡兔死，走狗烹”，本是提醒年羹尧。雍正因此愤恨，但是又要表现自己孝道，处罪谕旨只称汪景祺“作诗讥讪圣祖仁皇帝，大逆不道 ”。于是汪景祺被定处斩，枭首示众，其头骨在北京菜市口枭示了十年。妻子儿女发配黑龙江给披甲人(满洲军士)为奴；兄弟叔侄辈流放宁古塔；疏远亲族凡在官的都革职，交原籍地方官管束。由于牵累的人多，汪景祺侨居的平湖县城甚至传出“屠城”的谣言，居民惊惶逃窜。
与年羹尧有牵连的还有钱名世名教罪人案。钱名世字亮工，江苏武进人，与年羹尧是乡试同年，大概因此而有交谊。雍正二年(1724年)，权势赫赫的年羹尧进京觐见，钱名世赠诗谀颂，有“分陕旌旗周召伯，从天鼓角汉将军”、“钟鼎名勒山河誓，番藏宜刊第二碑”等诗句以捧年的臭脚。年羹尧受诛，钱名世当然在劫难闻逃。雍正给他加的罪名是“曲尽谄媚，颂扬奸恶”。但没有杀他，只是把他革职逐回原籍，却又御书“名教罪人”四字，命钱名世原籍地方官制成匾额，挂在钱家中堂上。奇耻大辱的“名教罪人”四字不但使钱名世无脸做人，而且使他的子子孙孙都抬不起头。雍正还命常州知府、武进知县每月初一、十五去钱家查看匾额悬挂情形，如未悬挂则呈报巡抚奏明治罪。当钱名世离京时，雍正又命京官自大学士、九卿以下都作讽刺诗为钱名世“赠行”，结果共有三百八十五人奉诏作诗。雍正一一过目后，交付钱名世辑成专集，题为《名教罪人诗》，刊印后颁发全国学校，让天下士子人人知晓。讽刺诗作得够味的给予表扬，不够味的给予处分。正詹事陈万策诗中有句：“名世已同名世罪，亮工不异亮工奸”(指南山集案的戴名世，而年羹尧也字亮工)，措意尖刻，造句新巧，得到暴君夸奖。而翰林侍读吴孝登则因诗句“谬妄”，被发配宁古塔给披甲人为奴。作诗的人当中，有叫查嗣庭的，他批判钱名世“百年遗臭辱簪缨”；有叫谢济世的，他批判钱名世“自古奸谀终败露”；但是不久，他们就跟着遭殃，亡国奴做猪做狗，仍不免挨噬。
隆科多是不得不提的人物，他是康熙帝孝懿皇后的弟弟，一等公佟国维之子，康熙末年官至步军统领、理藩院尚书，雍正初年袭爵一等公，授吏部尚书，加太保。隆科多和年羹尧一样，是雍正的重臣，没有他二人，雍正很难登位，尤其是隆科多，因传遗诏而使雍正得登大宝，功不可没。但隆日渐辜恩，使雍正日益不满。雍正五年(1727年)十月，隆科多终因私藏玉牒(皇室宗谱)罪付审，诸王大臣合议劾隆科多犯有四十一条大罪，得旨永远圈禁，家产追补赃银，其二子也受处分。次年，隆科多死于禁所。
而与隆科多案有关的查嗣庭案结束于隆科多治罪前数月。查嗣庭字润木，号横浦，浙江海宁人，康熙四十五年(1706年)进士，选入翰林，经隆科多保奏授内阁大学士大夫，后又经左都御史蔡王廷保奏授礼部左侍郎。该文字狱详见清初六家卷查慎行传，雍正五年(1727年)五月，案件结束，查嗣庭戮尸、枭首，亲族或斩或流放，牵连的江西官员统统革职。查嗣庭下狱的次月，即雍正四年(1726年)十月，清廷特设浙江观风整俗使，专职监视士人，整顿士风(接着东南各省相继设立观风整俗使)。十一月又下诏停止浙江士人乡试、会试。吏部侍郎沈近思上疏拥护，说汪、查等人使“越水增羞，吴山蒙耻”，条陈整顿风俗、约束士子的十条建议，雍正批转浙江巡抚和观风整俗使议行。雍正六年(1728年)八月，经浙江总督李卫请求，雍正解除停止乡会试的诏令，两年后撤消观风整俗使。
2.谢济世案、陆生楠案
其后又有谢济世案、陆生楠案，两案都胎育于李绂、田文镜互参事件。田文镜是监生出身，从州县小吏历练而上，雍正二年(1724年)擢受河南巡抚。他政令严苛，嫌科甲出身的官员办事懦缓，接连劾罢三四员州县官，其中有信旭知州黄振国，系左都御史蔡王廷所荐。
雍正四年(1726年)，新授直隶总督的李绂上任取道河南，田文镜循例迎送。科甲出身的李绂忍不住指责田文镜，说他不该有意蹂躏读书人。于是田文镜上密疏参劾李绂因与黄振国等人科举同年，所以有意袒护，言下之意是说李绂等人私结朋党。不久，李绂入京觐见，陈述田文镜贪虐及黄振国等人冤抑情状。雍正稍加调查，就怀疑李绂等科甲出身的人在搞朋党。
同年冬，浙江道监察御史谢济世上疏参劾田文镜十罪。雍正把奏疏退还，而谢济世坚持要上疏。雍正一怒之下把谢济世革职逮捕，大学士、九卿、科道会审拟斩。由于谢济世所劾与李绂所劾内容完全一致，都为黄振国鸣冤，黄振国是蔡王廷所荐，蔡王廷与李绂关系亲密，雍正于是认定这几个人在搞朋党，将谢济世减死发配新疆阿尔泰；蔡王廷降为奉天府尹；李绂降为工部侍郎(不久革职)。陆生楠，举人出身，以军功迁授吴县知县。引见时暴君见他应对滞讷，“举动乖张”，便把他扣下来留京学习办事，后改除工部主事。再引见时，雍正见他傲慢不恭，所呈奏折又写有“五经四书中如 ‘惠迪吉’、‘从逆凶’，何以异于佛老”等句，觉得是讽刺自己。于是命把陆生楠革职，也发配阿尔泰。
陆生楠在阿尔泰著有《通鉴论》十七篇，竟成陆生楠通鉴论案的祸源。雍正七年(1729年)五月，驻守阿尔泰的振武将军、顺承郡王锡保疏劾陆生楠《通鉴论》十七篇，文中“抗愤不平之语甚多，其论封建之利，言辞更属狂悖，显系排议时政”，《通鉴论》随本缴进。雍正得奏，于七月初三日谕内阁，对《通鉴论》中的“狂悖”议论逐条加以批驳。批驳完，“提议”将“罪大恶极，情无可逭”的陆生楠就地正法，命九卿、翰詹、科道定拟陆生楠应治之罪。从官当然遵旨惟谨，这年年底，陆生楠在阿尔泰军中处死刑。
锡保在疏劾陆生楠的同时，对谢济世也参了一本，说谢济世所著《古本大学注》毁谤程朱，书随本缴上，即谢济世注大学案。雍正读过后颂谕内阁，认为谢济世不仅毁谤程朱，而且对时政“恣意谤讪”，尤切齿于《注》中所去：“拒谏饰非必至拂人之性，骄泰甚矣 ”一句，咄咄逼问道：“试问谢济世：数年以来伊为国家敷陈者何事？为朕躬进谏者何言？朕所拒者何谏？所饰者何非？除处分谢济世党同伐异、诬陷良臣之外，尚能指出一二事否乎？”然后命朝臣议谢济世应治之罪。众臣拟谢济世与陆生楠一同处死，密谕锡保在杀陆生楠时把谢济世一同绑赴刑场，最后却宣布谢济世免死，不知当时两人是何感受。
3.曾静、吕留良案
雍正六年(1728年)九月二十六日傍午，陕西西安的一条大街上，川陕总督岳钟琪正乘轿回署，突然有人拦轿投书。这就是曾静、吕留良之狱，详见江东义士卷吕留良传。案结处置，吕留良、吕葆中父子开棺戮尸，枭首示众；吕毅中斩立决；吕留良诸孙发遣宁古塔给披甲人为奴；家产悉数没收。吕留良学生严鸿逵开棺戮尸，枭首示众，其孙发遣宁古塔给披甲人为奴；学生沈在宽斩立决；黄补庵(已死)嫡属照议治罪；刊印、收藏吕留良著作的车鼎丰等四人判斩监候，另二人同妻子流放三千里外，还有十数人受杖责。而曾静供词及忏悔录，集成《大义觉迷录》一书，刊后颁发全国所有学校，命教官督促士子认真观览晓悉，玩忽者治罪。又命刑部侍郎杭奕禄带领曾静到江浙一带等地宣讲，命兵部尚书史贻直带领张熙到陕西各地宣讲。雍正曾声明 “朕之子孙将来亦不得以其诋毁朕躬而追究诛戮”，然而雍正十三年(1735年)十月，乾隆帝继位，尚未改元就公开翻案，命将曾静、张熙解到京师，于十二月把二人凌迟处死，并列《大义觉迷录》为禁书。岳钟琪后来因进讨准噶尔失利，被大学士鄂尔泰所劾，下狱判斩监候，到乾隆初年才获释。
4.屈大均案
《大义觉迷录》在广东巡讲时，广东巡抚傅泰从张熙供称钦仰广东“屈温山先生”，想起本省著名学者屈大均号翁山，猜想“温山”是“翁山”之讹。于是追查屈大均所著《翁山文外》、《翁山诗外》诸书，果然发现其中“多有悖逆之词，隐藏抑郁不平之气”。这样，又一宗思想“悖逆”案被揭发。屈大均已死三十多年，其子屈明洪(任惠来县教谕)自动到广州投案，缴出父亲的诗文著作和雕板。案情上报，刑部拟屈大均戮尸枭首；因屈明洪自首，故免死，仅将屈明洪及其二子遣戍福建，屈大均诗文禁毁。这就是屈大均案，详见岭南三大家卷屈大均传。
死因传说
雍正的死因众说纷纭，大概有以下几种说法：
据《清世宗实录》和《张廷玉年谱》记载：“雍正十三年八月二十日，胤禛偶感违和，仍照常听政，并召见臣工。二十一日，病情加重，照常理政。大学士张廷玉每日进见，未尝间断。皇四子宝亲王弘历、皇五子和亲王弘昼等，御榻之侧，朝夕奉侍。二十二日，病情恶化，太医抢救。二十三日子时，进药无效，龙驭上宾。”前后三天，可以算急症。胤禛突然而死，官书不载原因。于是，胤禛死因之谜，朝野众说纷纭。
1、一说，胤禛是被吕四娘谋刺死的。传说吕四娘是吕留良的女儿，也有说是吕留良的孙女。当年，吕留良因文字狱被死后戮尸，吕氏一门，或被处死，或被遣戍。但吕四娘携母及一仆逃出，隐姓埋名，潜藏民间。吕四娘拜师习武，勤学苦练，尤长剑术，技艺高超。后来，吕四娘乔装改扮，混入深宫，一日，乘机砍掉雍正脑袋。或说，吕四娘的师傅，原是雍正的剑客，后离去，培养了女徒吕四娘。这个民间传说，流传 200多年。到1981年，曾发掘雍正泰陵地宫，未打开，即作罢。但民间传言雍正棺材已经打开，雍正的遗体有尸身而无尸首，想以此证明胤禛之头是被吕四娘砍掉的。这些传说，都是无中生有，纯属野史逸闻。学者认为，吕留良之案，吕氏一门，男女老幼，俱已严禁，不能逃逸。就连吕留良父子坟墓，都加以监视，吕女不可能逃脱。所以，吕四娘行刺雍正说，实属子虚乌有，绝不可信。
2、二说，胤禛是被宫女缢死的。柴萼《梵天庐丛录》记载：传说雍正九年（1731年），宫女伙同太监吴首义、霍成，伺胤禛睡熟，用绳缢杀，气将绝，被救活。这个逸闻源自明世宗嘉靖皇帝的真实故事。明嘉靖二十一年（1542年），宫女杨金英等“伺帝熟睡，以绳缢帝项，误为死结，得不绝”。同伙张宫女害怕，跑去报告方皇后。皇后赶到，解帛绳，帝气绝，命召太医许绅急救。《明史•许绅传》记载：“绅急调峻药下之，辰时下药，未时忽作声，去紫血数升，遂能言，又数剂而愈。”事后将杨金英等磔（zhé）死。显然，雍正帝与嘉靖帝的庙号都是“世宗”，这个清世宗雍正被宫女缢杀的故事，完全是明世宗嘉靖被宫女勒缢故事的翻版。所以，宫女缢勒雍正说，实属移花接木，张冠李戴。
3、三说，胤禛是服丹药中毒而死的。胤禛在雍正七年（1729泰陵五孔桥年），得了一场大病。大臣说“皇上下颏偶有些微疙瘩”，是什么病，说不清楚。胤禛曾向心腹密臣发出谕旨，要他们推荐好医生、道士：“可留心访问，有内外科好医生与深达修养性命之人，或道士，或讲道之儒士、俗家。……一面奏闻，一面着人优待送至京城，朕有用处。”后来李卫密荐道士贾士芳，到北京为胤禛看病。后将贾道士处死。胤禛对道士、丹药感兴趣，特为紫阳道人重建道院。胤禛还曾延请道士张太虚、王定乾等，到圆明园炼丹，以求吞服灵丹妙药，长生不老。
4、四说，胤禛是患中风而死的。这个重要论断，需要史料证明。
5、五说，胤禛是被曹雪芹和竺香玉合谋毒死的。据传《红楼梦》的作者曹雪芹，有个恋人叫竺香玉，是林黛玉的化身。竺香玉后来被雍正霸占成为皇后。曹雪芹想念恋人，就找了一个差事混入宫中，与竺香玉合谋，用丹药将雍正毒死。这是编造的故事，纯属无稽之谈。
遗诏即位
史上记载的《康熙遗诏》全文如下：
从来帝王之治天下，未尝不以敬天法祖为首务。敬天法祖之实在柔远能迩、休养苍生，共四海之利为利、一天下之心为心，保邦于未危、致治于未乱，夙夜孜孜，寤寐不遑，为久远之国计，庶乎近之。今朕年届七旬，在位六十一年，实赖天地宗社之默佑，非朕凉德之所至也。历观史册，自黄帝甲子迄今四千三百五十余年共三百一帝，如朕在位之久者甚少。朕临御至二十年时，不敢逆料至三十年，三十年时不敢逆料至四十年，今已六十一年矣。《尚书*洪范》所载：一曰寿、二曰富、三曰康宁、四曰攸好德、五曰考终命，五福以考终命列于第五者，诚以其难得故也。今朕年已登耆，富有四海，子孙百五十余人，天下安乐，朕之福亦云厚矣，即或有不虞心亦泰然。念自御极以来，虽不敢自谓能移风易俗、家给人足，上拟三代明圣之主，而欲致海宇升平，人民乐业，孜孜汲汲、小心敬慎，夙夜不遑，未尝少懈。数十年来殚心竭力，有如一日，此岂‘ 劳苦’二字所能概括耶？前代帝王或享年不永，史论概以为酒色所致也，皆书生好为讥评，虽纯全净美之君，亦必抉摘瑕疵。朕今为前代帝王剖白言之，盖由天下事繁，不胜劳惫之所致也。诸葛亮云：“鞠躬尽瘁，死而后已”，为人臣者惟诸葛亮能如此耳。若帝王仔肩甚重，无可旁诿，岂臣下所可以比拟？臣下可仕则仕，可止则止，年老致政而归，抱子弄孙，犹得优游自适。为君者勤劬一生了无休息之日，如舜虽称无为而治，然身殁于苍梧，禹乘四载，胼手胝足，终于会稽，此皆勤劳政事、巡行周历，不遑宁处，岂可谓之崇尚无为、清静自持乎。《易》遁卦六爻，未尝言及人主之事，可见人主原无宴息之地可以退藏，鞠躬尽瘁，诚谓此也。
自古得天下之正莫如我朝。太祖、太宗初无取天下之心，尝兵及京城，诸大臣咸云当取，太宗皇帝曰：明与我朝素非和好，今欲取之甚易，但念系中国之主，不忍取也。后流贼李自成攻破京城，崇祯自缢，臣民相率来迎，乃剪灭闯寇入承大统，稽查典礼，安葬崇祯。昔汉高祖系泗上亭长，明太祖一皇觉寺僧，项羽起兵攻秦而天下卒归于汉；元末陈友谅等蜂起，而天下卒归于明。我朝承袭先烈，应天顺人，抚有区宇，以此见乱臣贼子无非为真主驱除也。凡帝王自有天命，应享寿考者不能使之不享寿考，应享太平者不能使之不享太平，朕自幼读书于古今，道理粗能通晓，又年力盛时，能弯十五力弓，发十三握箭，用兵临戎之事，皆所优为。然平生未尝妄杀一人，平定三藩，扫清汉北，皆出一心运筹。户部帑金，非用师、赈饥未敢妄费，谓皆小民膏脂故也，所有巡狩行宫不施采缋，每处所费不过一二万金，较之河工岁费三百余万尚及百分之一。昔梁武帝亦创业英雄，后至耄年，为侯景所逼，遂有台城之祸；隋文帝亦开创之主，不能预知其子炀帝之恶，卒致不克令终，皆由辨之不早也。朕之子孙百有余人，朕年已七十，诸王大臣官员军民与蒙古人等无不爱惜。朕年迈之人，今虽以寿终，朕亦愉悦至。
太祖皇帝之子礼亲王王之子孙，现今俱各安全，朕身后尔等若能惕心保全，朕亦欣然安逝。雍亲王皇四子胤禛，人品贵重，深肖朕躬，必能克承大统。着继朕登基，即皇帝位，即遵舆制，持服二十七日，释服布告中外，咸使闻知。
康熙六十一年十一月十三日 卯
雍正年表
公元1678年，胤禛出生。生母为孝恭仁皇后乌雅氏。1岁后，由贵妃佟佳氏带养。
公元1683年，师从顾八代、张英、徐元梦等人学习多年。
公元1686年，胤禛与胤禔、胤礽、胤祉随驾巡行塞外。
公元1691年，奉父命与大臣女纳拉氏成婚。
公元1696年，康熙亲征葛尔丹。胤禛与胤祺、胤佑、胤禩分掌八旗十营。
公元1698年，胤禛受封贝勒。
公元1699年，康熙为成婚皇子建府分居。四贝勒府后扩大为雍王府、雍王宫。
公元1702年，胤禛与胤礽、胤祥随驾巡行五台山并南行。
公元1708年，康熙一废太子。胤禛与胤禔、胤礽、胤祺、胤祥一起被拘禁。
公元1709年，胤禛被封雍亲王。
公元1711年，钮钴禄氏生弘历。
公元1718年，康熙命胤禛与胤祉率文武百官送大将军王胤禵于德胜门。
公元1721年，康熙六十大庆。胤禛被特意派往盛京祭祖。
公元1722年，十月，前往通州查勘粮仓发放屯结情况，共28天；十一月九日，单招胤禛前往畅春园；十一月初十，胤禛代康熙前去天坛祭天；十一月十三，康熙驾崩。胤禛借《康熙遗诏》，登上帝位。
公元1723年，四月，送先帝往遵化东陵，事毕将十四阿哥允禵囚之汤山；五月，太后猝死；八月，秘密立储弘历。
公元1724年，十月，十阿哥允礻我被革职圈禁；十二月，废太子允礽病故，追为理密亲王。
公元1725年，四月，将年羹尧发往杭州，降为杭州将军；十二月，以92条罪名令年羹尧自裁。
公元1726年，正月，八阿哥允禩、九阿哥允禟除宗籍；三月，将允禩改名阿其那；五月，允禵囚于景山观德殿；六月，定允禩罪状40条，允禟罪28条，允禵罪14条；八月，允禟死于保定禁所；九月，允禩死于禁所。
公元1727年，隆科多与沙俄谈判边境问题，因失败，回京后便被捕、抄家；十月，定隆科多41条大罪。
公元1728年，六月，岳钟琪举奏曾静案，株连吕留良，吕留良被鞭尸、满门抄斩；同月，隆科多死于禁所。
公元1729年，十月，免曾静死，颁《大义觉迷录》。
公元1730年，五月，胤祥病逝，雍正亲临丧所。以三阿哥胤祉并不哀痛为由，削爵圈禁景山。
公元1733年，二月，封弘历为宝亲王、弘昼为和亲王。
公元1735年，八月二十三日，雍正驾崩。
网络走红
如今最流行的网络小说要数清穿小说了，而清穿小说中最红的男主就是雍正了。原因嘛！很简单：人家将来是皇帝，只要嫁过去，咱就是娘娘。下面，向大家推介几部四爷党的清穿小说。
四爷党
《权倾天下》：从康熙在位期间到胤禛当雍正皇帝，而女主就是年贵妃。超好看，情节超好看，我们的四四在文中可是一个大帅哥！值得看阿
《宫的一角之华悠》 ：一个新的四爷党小说，女主主华悠和他可是半路杀出个诸葛亮，值得看看。
《瑾禛缘》：一看题目，就知道有咱家的四四了。与众不同的清穿文，女主是四四的杀手噢！值得一看！更新也可以。
《四爷党》：新兴的清穿越文，形式新颖（采取多次穿越法，甚至穿越成过德妃，小狐狸等），文笔清新，实乃清穿文中不可多得的佳作，大家都看到这个题目了，自然，作者悠悠晴天可是一个地道的四爷党。
《步步惊心》：晋江清宫文三座大山之一，出现的时间大约与梦回同时，在文风上与梦回却迥然不同，作者桐华想要还原一个真实的历史，看这篇文时，我是真心疼里面的若曦，宁可她愚笨点，却偏偏是这么一个灵秀的人，终篇看完之后，我脑子历史中回荡着仓央嘉措的诗：“第一最好不相见，如此便可不相爱；第二最好不相知，如此便可不相思……”桐华姐姐应该也是一个四爷党吧。
《情倾天下》：说过如此沉重的步步过后，再说点轻松的吧，情倾是我看过的清宫文中比较恶搞的，明珠大人几乎在每一章节中都会有些经典的语录，不过，文章自面世以来，也存在的种种非议，不喜欢的人几乎和喜欢的人一样，这样的口水战也是屡屡发生，面对这个，我这个情倾粉也很无奈，只能说，每个人心中都有一个四四，我们要尊重每一位作者的辛勤劳动。明珠大人，如此厚爱四四，四爷党无疑（明大，你要是给四四染绿，我们就把你从四党里踢出去）。
《殇魂》：作者梵天姐姐不仅仅是个死忠四爷党，又是个大女子主义者，将这两者融合在一起，一篇文字俏皮可爱，行文似散文一样清新的佳作便出现了，女主不再是什么福晋，格格，名门闺秀，而是一个抗日小兵，爱国战士与封建帝王的邂逅，又会有怎样一段故事发生呢？相信每一个读过的人都会给出一个很好的答案。
《梦里云归何处寻》：作者一瞬暗红，现在重新开始更新，文写的语言那个美呀，我是写不出来那种感觉，是古色古香的，女主就是那个恭悫长公主的女儿，好文呀……
《心在天涯》：这个比较强，这一开始，就治病加QJ，感觉跟一部很老的电视剧《碧血情天杨家将》那个内容一样，作者得努力摆脱这种影响。
《清清子衿》：新文，更新也可以，内容也不错。
《玉石俱焚》：一个被伤害的女孩回到清朝的故事。刚开始的时候还追，后来弃了，其实，还可以，只不过不合我的口味。
《真情天子》：写四四和年妃的。
《刺清》：女主穿到了一个反清复明的家庭，学了很棒的武功，爱上了四四，失去了记忆，进宫了。作者沄镜双滇准四爷党，从一开始就说要给四四和女主一个好的结局。
《清殇.夜未央》 女主人公叫甄臻，因为一副镯子穿越清朝成为纳喇熙臻，同大多清穿小说一样参加选秀，爱上八爷，却由于误会，痛苦结束了。。。与四爷之间发生刻骨铭心的爱情，康熙后来却留下遗诏赐婚于八爷，雍正即位后不顾全天下的绯语，阻止她嫁给别人，却阻止不了他和她不得善终的结局。其苦情和悲愁跟《步步惊心》有异曲同工之妙，令人扼腕，潸然泪下。。。
《紫禁心经》：新文，四福晋乌拉那拉写起，作者四四党无疑。
《最禛心》：44的,很搞笑,但也很温情。
《三世缘》：女主是乾隆的老妈，里面的四很可爱。
《爱君如梦》：女主是年懿君，就是年妃啦！
《魂回大清》： 作者：泪儿，女主是乾隆的老妈。
《禛心真意长相守》：作者：秋麒麟草，女主很搞笑，是篇很轻松的清穿文，不虐，而且最珍贵的是，里面的年羹尧是个好人。
《绝恋大清》：作者：江南清秋月。一个主张现代女权的女生，却阴差阳错地穿越到了封建男权社会，碰到的还是历史上有名的冷面王。女主的自力，坚强与幽默，机智与勇敢，却不经意打动了眼里不能揉进沙子的四阿哥的心。现代思想与封建思想在古代一次又一次的碰撞，我们的女主该何去何从？她屈服了吗？
多情的胤祥，他的感情又归属何方呢？本书用穿越的题材，同时讲述了清代的九龙夺嫡真像，讲述了雍正之谜，一个帅哥的时代，一场风花雪月的故事。本书还涉及旅游，餐饮，商业等许多领域，是一本让你随着女主喜悲的小说！
《梦转纱窗晓》：作者：冰之葡萄，她叫关采薇，人如其名。她就像生命力顽强的野花，坚强洒脱。一口古井、一幅油画，因缘际会，她穿越时空，跨越300年，来到清朝。这里是壁垒森严的皇宫，这里是勾心斗角的世界，这里也许也有脉脉温情。
Although Yongzheng's reign was much shorter than the reigns of both his father (the Kangxi Emperor) and his son (the Qianlong Emperor), his sudden death was probably brought about by a heavy workload. Yongzheng continued an era of peace and prosperity; he cracked down on corruption and waste, and reformed the financial administration. During his reign the formulation of the Grand Council began, an institution which have an enormous impact on the future of imperial China.
Prince YongYinzhen was the fourth son of Kangxi to survive into adulthood and the eldest son from Empress Xiaogongren, a lady of the Manchu Uya clan who was then known as De-fei. Kangxi knew it would be a mistake to raise his children inside the palace alone; therefore, exposed his sons (including Yinzhen) to the outside world and gave them a rigorous education. Yongzheng went with Kangxi on several inspection trips around the Beijing area, as well as one trip further south. He was honorary leader of the Plain Red Banner during Kangxi's second battle against the Mongol khan Gordhun. Yinzhen was made a beile (Chinese: 貝勒, "lord") in 1689 and rose to the position of second-class prince in 1698.
In 1704, the Yangtze and Yellow Rivers saw unprecedented flooding. The economy and livelihood of people around these areas were severely damaged. Yongzheng was sent out as an envoy of the emperor with the 13th Imperial Prince Yinxiang to deal with relief efforts in southern China. The imperial treasury, which had been drained due to unpaid loans by many officials and nobles, did not have sufficient funds to deal with the flooding; Yongzheng had the added responsibility of securing relief funds from the wealthy southern tycoons. These efforts ensured that funds were distributed properly and people would not starve. He was given the title of first-class prince, Prince Yong (Chinese: 雍親王), in 1709.
Disputed successionFurther information: Kangxi Emperor
In 1712, the Kangxi Emperor removed his second son, Yinreng, as successor to the throne and did not designate an heir in his place. This led to a competition amongst sons of the Emperor for the position of crown prince. The most promising candidates were Yinzhi, Yinzhen, Yinsi, and Yinti (the third, fourth, eighth and fourteenth Imperial Princes respectively). Of the princes, Yinsi had the most support from the mandarins, but was disfavoured by Kangxi himself. Yinzhen had supported Yinreng prior to the latter's demise, and did not build a large political base until the final years of Kangxi's reign. When the Emperor died in December 1722, the field of contenders was reduced to three princes after Yinsi pledged his support to the 14th prince, Yinti.
At the time of the Kangxi Emperor's death, Yinti, as border-pacification general-in-chief (Chinese: 撫遠大將軍), was at war in the northwest in what is present-day Xinjiang. Some historians believe that this implied Kangxi's favouring Yinti for succession, and was training the next emperor in military affairs; others maintain that Kangxi intended to keep Yinti a large distance away from the capital to ensure a peaceful succession for Yinzhen. It was Yinzhen who nominated Yinti for the post — not Yinsi, with whom Yinti was closely affiliated.
The official record, which may have been modified by Yongzheng for political purposes, states that on 20 December 1722 the ailing Kangxi Emperor called seven of his sons and the general commandant of the Peking gendarmerie, Longkodo, to his bedside; Longkodo read the will, and declared that Yinzhen succeed the emperor on the throne. Some evidence has suggested that Yinzhen contacted Longkodo months before the will was read in preparation for his succession by military means, although in their official capacities frequent encounters were expected. Legend has it that Yongzheng changed Kangxi's will by adding strokes and modifying characters. The best-known account says that Yongzheng changed "fourteen" (Chinese: 十四 → shísì) to "four" (Chinese: 于四 → yúsì); others say it was "fourteen" to "fourth" (Chinese: 第四 → dìsì). While widely accepted, there is little supporting evidence—especially considering that the character 于 was not widely used during the Qing Dynasty; on official documents, 於 (yú) is used. Secondly, Qing tradition insists that the will was done in both Manchu and Chinese; Manchu writing, however, is more intricate and (in this case) impossible to modify. Furthermore, princes in the Qing Dynasty are referred to as "the Emperor's son", in the order which they were born (for example, "the emperor's fourth son": Chinese: 皇四子). Therefore, there is doubt that Yinzhen changed the will to ascend to the throne.
18th-century Chinese painting of the Yongzheng Emperor wearing a European wig and dress, preparing to strike a tiger with a trident
The Yongzheng Emperor offering sacrifices at the altar of the god of agriculture, Shennong
18th-century painting of the Yongzheng Emperor in costumeYinzhen chose an era name similar in sound to his given name; 1723 was to be the first year of the Yongzheng era. For his first official act as emperor Yongzheng released his long-time ally—the 13th prince Yinxiang, who had been imprisoned by the Kangxi Emperor at the same time as the crown prince. Some sources indicate that Yinxiang, the most militant of the princes, then assembled a group of special Peking soldiers from the Fengtai command to seize immediate control of the Forbidden City and surrounding areas to prevent usurpation by Yinsi's cronies. Yongzheng's personal account stated that he was emotionally unstable and deeply saddened over his father's death, and knew it would be a burden "much too heavy" for himself if he were to succeed the throne. In addition, after the will was read Yinzhen wrote that the officials (premier Zhang Tingyu, Longkedo and Yinzhi) and Prince Cheng led the other princes in the ceremonial Three-Kneels and Nine-Salutes to the emperor. The following day Yongzheng issued an edict summoning Yinti back from Qinghai, bestowing on their mother the title "Holy Mother Empress Dowager" the day Yinti arrived at the funeral.
In the first major comprehensive biography of the Yongzheng Emperor by Feng Erkang, the author puts the Yongzheng succession in perspective. Feng writes that there were some suspicious signs from the lost wills and the dates released, but the majority of evidence points to Yinzhen succeeding the throne legitimately (although with political and military maneuvering deemed necessary by the situation). The eighth prince (Yinsi) had been bribing officials for support throughout his life, and his influence penetrated the Fengtai command. Furthermore, Feng suggests that "although we are not yet altogether certain on what happened with the succession, and which side is correct, it is reasonable to think that Yongzheng's political enemies manipulated all suspicion behind the will in an attempt to put a dark image on Yongzheng; Imperial Chinese tradition had led certain schools of thought in believing that Yongzheng's whole reign can be discredited simply because his succession of the throne did not come as a will of his father, the emperor and ultimate decision maker in China." He further suggests that Kangxi made a grave mistake by allowing his sons to become major political players (especially since the position of crown prince was empty) and a bloody battle of succession (including a possible usurpation) was the inevitable result of imperial Chinese institutions. Therefore, it would be an even-bigger mistake to judge a ruler solely on the way he came to power. Certainly, the Yongzheng Emperor ensured his successor would have a smooth transition when his turn came.
ReignAfter ascending to the throne in December 1722, Yinzhen took the era name "Harmonious Justice" (Chinese: 雍正 → yōngzhèng) in 1723 from his peerage title "harmonious" (Chinese: 雍 → yōng) and "just, correct, upright" (Chinese: 正 → zhèng). It has been suggested that the second character of his era name was an attempt to cover up his illegal claim to the throne by calling himself "justified". Immediately after succeeding to the throne, Yongzheng chose his new governing council. It consisted of the eighth prince Yinsi, the 13th prince Yinxiang, Zhang Tingyu, Ma Qi, and Longkodo. Yinsi was given the title of Prince Lian, and Yinxiang was given the title of Prince Yi; both held the highest positions in the land.
Battle with princesThe nature of his succession is deeply clouded, and Yongzheng saw challenges in all his surviving brothers. Yinzhi, the eldest, continued to live under house arrest; Yinreng, the former crown prince, died two years into his brother's reign (although they were both imprisoned not by Yongzheng, but by Kangxi). The biggest challenge was to separate Yinsi's party (consisting of Yinsi, the ninth and tenth princes and their minions), and isolate Yinti to reduce their power. Yinsi (who had nominally held the position of President of the Feudatory Affairs Office, the title "Prince Lian" and later the office of Prime Minister) was held under close watch by Yongzheng. Yintang was sent to Qinghai under the pretext of military service, but in reality fell within Yongzheng's trusted protégé Nian Gengyao's territory. Yin'e, the tenth prince, was stripped of all his titles in May 1724 and sent north to the Shunyi area. The 14th Prince Yinti (Yongzheng's full-brother) was placed under house arrest at the Imperial Tombs under the pretext of guarding their parents' tombs. The first few years of Yongzheng's reign saw an increase in partisan politics. Yinsi wanted to use his position to manipulate Yongzheng into errors, while appearing supportive. Yinsi and Yintang (both supporters of Yinti for the throne) were stripped of their titles, languished in prison and died in 1727.
Nian and LongNian Gengyao was a supporter of Yongzheng long before he succeeded to the throne. In 1722, when he was recalling his brother Yinti from the northwest, Yongzheng appointed Nian general. The situation in Xinjiang at the time was still precarious, and a strong general was needed in the area. After several military conquests, however, Nian Gengyao's lust for power grew; he reportedly wanted to be equal to Yongzheng. Seeing the situation unfold, Yongzheng issued an imperial edict demoting Nian to general of the Hangzhou Command. Continuing to be unrepentant, Nian was given an ultimatum and committed suicide by poison in 1726. Longkodo was commander of Peking's armies at the time of Yongzheng's succession. He fell in disgrace in 1728, and died under house arrest.
After becoming emperor, Yongzheng suppressed writings he deemed unfavorable to his regime, particularly those with an anti-Manchu bias. Foremost among these were those of Zeng Jing, an unsuccessful degree candidate heavily influenced by 17th-century scholar Lü Liuliang. Zeng had been so affected by what he read that he attempted to incite the governor-general of Shaanxi-Sichuan, Yue Zhongqi, to rebellion. The general promptly turned him in, and in 1730 the case reached Yongzheng Emperor. Highly concerned with the implications of the case, Yongzheng had Zeng Jing brought to Beijing for trial. The emperor's verdict seemed to demonstrate a Confucian sovereign's benevolence: He ascribed Zeng's actions to the gullibility and naïveté of a youth taken in by Lü's abusive and overdrawn rhetoric. In addition to this the emperor suggested that Lü's original attack on the Manchus was misplaced, since they had been transformed by their long-term exposure to the civilizing force of Confucianism.
Yongzheng is also known for establishing a strict autocracy rule during his reign. He detested corruption, and punished officials severely when they were found guilty of an offense. In 1729 he issued an edict prohibiting the smoking of madak,
a blend of tobacco and opium. During Yongzheng's reign the Qing Dynasty became a great power in Asia as well as a peaceful land, and he enhanced the Kangqian Period of Harmony (Chinese: 康乾盛世). In response to his father's tragedy, Yongzheng created a sophisticated procedure for choosing a successor. He was known for his trust in Mandarin officials. Li Wei and Tian Wenjing governed China's southern areas, with the assistance of Ortai.
"The Yongzheng Emperor Offering Sacrifice at the Xiannong Altar" in Beijing, Qing Dynasty painting
Expansion in the northwest
French map of "China and Chinese Tartary" from the Yongzheng era (1734)Like his father, Yongzheng used military force in order to preserve the dynasty's position in Outer Mongolia. When Tibet was torn by civil war in 1727–1728, he intervened militarily. After withdrawing, he left a Qing citizen (the amban) backed up with a military garrison to safeguard the dynasty's interests. For the Tibetan campaign Yongzheng sent an army of 230,000 (led by Nian Gengyao) against the Dzungars, who had an army of 80,000. Due to geography, the Qing army (although superior in numbers) was unable to engage the more-mobile enemy at first. Eventually, however, they engaged the Dzungars and defeated them. This campaign cost the treasury at least 8,000,000 taels of silver. Later in Yongzheng's reign, he would send a small army of 10,000 to fight the Dzungars. However, that army was annihilated and the Qing had faced the danger of losing control of Mongolia. Fortunately, a Khalkha ally of the Qing Dynasty would later defeat the Dzungars.
Following the reforms of 1729, the treasury increased from the 1721 total of 32,622,421 taels to about 60,000,000 taels in 1730, surpassing the record set during Yongzheng's father's (the Kangxi Emperor's) regime; however, the pacification of the Qinghai area and the defense on the border areas were heavy burdens. For safeguarding the borders alone, 100,000 taels were needed each year. The total military budget was up to 10,000,000 taels a year. By the end of 1735 military spending depleted half the treasury, which totaled 33,950,000 taels. It was because of this burden that the Yongzheng Emperor considered making peace with the Dzungars.
ReligionYongzheng was firmly against Christian converts among his own Manchu people. He warned them that the Manchus must follow only the Manchu way of worshipping Heaven since different peoples worshipped Heaven differently. Yongzheng stated: "The Lord of Heaven is Heaven itself.... In the empire we have a temple for honoring Heaven and sacrificing to Him. We Manchus have Tiao Tchin. The first day of every year we burn incense and paper to honor Heaven. We Manchus have our own particular rites for honoring Heaven; the Mongols, Chinese, Russians, and Europeans also have their own particular rites for honoring Heaven. I have never said that he [Urcen, a son of Sun] could not honor heaven but that everyone has his way of doing it. As a Manchu, Urcen should do it like us."
Death and successionThe Yongzheng Emperor ruled the Qing Empire for thirteen years before dying suddenly in 1735 at age 56. Legend holds that he was assassinated by Lü Siniang, daughter of Lü Liuliang, whose family was (reportedly) executed for literary crimes against the Manchu Regime. Another possible reason was that he had been a lover of Lü Siniang; Lü was the real mother of Qianlong, but Yongzheng refused to allow Lü to be the queen. In reality, it is likely his death was the result of an overdose of the medication he was consuming which he believed would prolong his life. Yongzheng Emperor's family life seems to have tragic undertones. Of the 14 children born to him and his Empress and consorts, only five are known to have survived to adulthood. To prevent the succession tragedy which he had faced, he ordered his third son (Hongshi, an ally of Yinsi) to commit suicide. He also put in place a system to choose his successor in secret. Yongzheng wrote his chosen successor's name on two pieces of paper, placed one piece of paper in a box and had the box stored behind the stele in the Qianqing Palace. He then kept the other copy with him or hid it. With his passing, the ministers would compare the paper in the box and with the copy Yongzheng had.If they were deemed identical, the person whose name was on the paper would be the new emperor.
His son Hongli, Prince Bao, then became the fifth emperor of the Qing dynasty under the era name of Qianlong. The Yongzheng Emperor was interred in the Western Qing Tombs (Chinese: 清西陵), 120 kilometres (75 mi) southwest of Beijing, in the Tailing (Chinese: 泰陵) mausoleum complex (known in Manchu as the Elhe Munggan).
FamilyFather: Kangxi Emperor (of whom he was the fourth son)
Mother: Concubine from the Manchu Uya clan (1660–1723), who became known as Empress Dowager Renshou (仁壽皇太后) when her son became emperor. She is posthumously known as Empress Xiaogongren (孝恭仁皇后; Manchu: Hiyoošungga Gungnecuke Gosin Hūwanghu).
ConsortsEmpress Xiaojingxian (孝敬憲皇后; Manchu: Hiyoošungga Ginggun Temgetulehe Hūwanghu; 1681–1731) of the Ulanara clan.
Empress Xiaoshengxian (孝聖憲皇后; Manchu: Hiyoošungga Enduringge Temgetulehe Hūwanghu; 1693–1777) of the Niohuru clan, mother of Hongli (the Qianlong Emperor).
Imperial Noble Consort Dunsu (敦肅皇貴妃; d. 1725), sister of Nian Gengyao; bore three sons and a daughter, none of whom survived.
Imperial Noble Consort Chunque (純愨皇貴妃; 1689–1784) née Geng, mother of Hongzhou; daughter of Geng Degin (耿德金).
Consort Qi (齊妃; d. 1737) née Li.
Consort Qian (謙妃; 1714–1767) née Liu; bore Yongzheng's youngest son Hongzhan. Daughter of Liu Man (劉滿).
Consort Ning (寧妃; d. 1734), née Wu, was the daughter of Wu Zhuguo (武柱國). Posthumously granted the title of Consort Ning in 1734.
Imperial Concubine Mao (懋嬪; d. 1730), née Song, bore two daughters. Daughter of Jinzhu (金柱).
Noble Lady Guo (郭貴人; d. 1786)
Noble Lady Li (李貴人; d. 1760), née Li.
Noble Lady An (安貴人; d. 1750)
Noble Lady Hai (海貴人; d. 1761)
Noble Lady Zhang (張貴人; d. 1735)
SonsHonghui (弘暉; 1697–1704), posthumously granted title of Prince Duan of the First Rank (端親王) by the Qianlong Emperor.
Hongpan (弘昐; 1697–1699)
Hongyun (弘昀; 1700–1710)
Hongshi (弘時; 1704–1726)
Hongli (弘曆; 1711–1799), the Qianlong Emperor.
Hongzhou (弘晝; 1712–1770), Prince Hegong of the First Rank (和恭親王).
Fuyi (福宜; 1720–1721)
Fuhui (福惠; 1721–1728), posthumously the title of Prince Huai of the First Rank (懷親王).
Fupei (福沛; 1723)
Hongzhan (弘瞻; 1733–1765): Prince Guogong of the Second Rank (果恭郡王).
DaughtersOldest daughter (1695)
Heshuo Princess Huaike (和碩懷恪公主; 1695–1717)
Third daughter (1706)
Fourth daughter (1715–1717)
Foster daughters:
Heshuo Princess Shushen (和碩淑慎公主; 1708–1784), sixth daughter of Yunreng.
Heshuo Princess Hehui (和碩和惠公主; 1714–1731), fourth daughter of Yunxiang.
Heshuo Princess Duanrou (和碩端柔公主; 1714–1754), eldest daughter of Yunlu (允祿).
Ancestry[show]Ancestors of Yongzheng Emperor
Nurhaci
8. Hong Taiji
Empress Xiaocigao
4. Shunzhi Emperor
Jaisang
9. Empress Xiaozhuangwen
Lady Mou
2. Kangxi Emperor
Tong Yangzhen
10. Tong Tulai
5. Empress Xiaokangzhang
1. Yinzhen, Yongzheng Emperor
6. Uya Weiwu
3. Empress Xiaogongren
In fiction and popular cultureThe Yongzheng Emperor is mentioned in Qing Dynasty writer Wenkang (文康)'s wuxia novel Ernü Yingxiong Zhuan (兒女英雄傳). It was adapted into the 1983 Hong Kong television series The Legend of the Unknowns (十三妹), and the 1986 Chinese film Lucky 13 (侠女十三妹).
A popular legend tells of the Yongzheng Emperor's death at the hands of a female assassin Lü Siniang (呂四娘), a fictitious granddaughter (or daughter, in some accounts) of Lü Liuliang. She did so to avenge her grandfather (or father), who was wrongly put to death by Yongzheng. The legend was adapted into many films and television series.
There were two legends about the origins of the Yongzheng Emperor's son and successor, the Qianlong Emperor. The first, more widely circulated in southern China, says that Qianlong is actually the son of Chen Shiguan (陳世倌), a Qing minister from Haining, Zhejiang. Shortly after birth, Qianlong was exchanged with one of Yongzheng's daughters and raised as Yongzheng's son and eventually succeeded to the throne. Wuxia writer Louis Cha (Jin Yong) adapted this legend for his novel The Book and the Sword. The second legend on Qianlong's origins, more popular in northern China, stated that during a trip to the Mulan Hunting Ground (木蘭圍場) in Rehe Province, Yongzheng had an illegitimate affair with a palace maid and they conceived a son, who would become the Qianlong Emperor.
The Yongzheng Emperor is featured as an important character in Tong Hua's novel Bu Bu Jing Xin and he had a romantic relationship with the protagonist Ma'ertai Ruoxi. In 2011 the novel was adapted into the Chinese television series Scarlet Heart.
The Yongzheng Emperor appears in the romance fantasy novel series Meng Hui Da Qing (梦回大清) by Yaoye (妖叶).
The Yongzheng Emperor in film and television Year Region Title Type Yongzheng Emperor actor Notes
1975 Hong Kong The Flying Guillotine
血滴子 Film Chiang Yang Produced by the Shaw Brothers Studio
1980 Hong Kong Dynasty
大內群英 Television series Alex Man 57 episodes
1988 Hong Kong The Rise and Fall of Qing Dynasty Season 2
滿清十三皇朝2 Television series Wai Lit 50 episodes
1994 Mainland China The Book and the Sword
书剑恩仇录 Television series Liu Dagang 32 episodes
1995 Hong Kong Secret Battle of the Majesty
九王奪位 Television series Kwong Wa 40 episodes
1996 Taiwan 雍正大帝 Television series Tou Chung-hua
1997 Taiwan Legend of YungChing
江湖奇俠傳 Television series Adam Cheng 58 / 59 episodes
1997 Hong Kong The Hitman Chronicle
大刺客 Television series Eddie Cheung 35 episodes
1997 Mainland China Yongzheng Dynasty
雍正王朝 Television series Tang Guoqiang 44 episodes
2001 Taiwan 玉指環 Television series Chin Han alternative Chinese title 才子佳人乾隆皇
2001 Mainland China Emperor Yong Zheng
雍正皇帝 Television series Liu Xinyi 31 episodes
2002 Mainland China Li Wei the Magistrate
李卫当官 Television series Tang Guoqiang 30 episodes; also known as Li Wei Becomes an Official
2002 Mainland China Jiangshan Weizhong
江山为重 Television series Liu Guanxiong 31 episodes; alternative Chinese title 大清帝国
2003 Mainland China Palace Painter Master Castiglione
宫廷画师郎世宁 Television series Kenny Bee 24 episodes
2003 Hong Kong The King of Yesterday and Tomorrow
九五至尊 Television series Kwong Wa 20 episodes
2004 Mainland China 36th Chamber of Southern Shaolin
南少林三十六房 Television series Zhang Tielin 32 episodes
2004 Mainland China Huang Taizi Mishi
皇太子秘史 Television series Zhao Hongfei 32 episodes
2004 Mainland China Li Wei the Magistrate 2
李卫当官2 Television series Tang Guoqiang 32 episodes
2005 Mainland China Shang Shu Fang
上书房 Television series Kou Zhenhai 52 episodes
2005 Mainland China The Juvenile Qianlong Emperor
少年宝亲王 Television series Zhang Guoli 40 episodes
2008 Mainland China The Book and the Sword
书剑恩仇录 Television series Shen Baoping 40 episodes
2010 Mainland China Hou Gong Zhen Huan Zhuan
后宫甄嬛传 Television series Chen Jianbin 76 episodes
2011 Mainland China Scarlet Heart
步步惊心 Television series Nicky Wu 35 episodes
2011 Mainland China Palace
宫锁心玉 Television series Mickey He 35 episodes
2012 Mainland China Palace II
宫锁珠帘 Television series Mickey He 35 episodes