shèhuìjiàoyō zuòzhělièbiǎo
'ěr · Karl Marx · wéi Max Weber 'ào 'ěr měi 'ěr Georg Simmel
ēn Friedrich Engelsfèi 'ěr Ludwig Andreas von Feuerbachāi méng · sài 'ěr Edmund Husserl
wēi lián · nèi Wilhelm Liebknechtyuē · gēn Joseph Dietzgen
· wéi Max Weber
shèhuìjiàoyō  (1864niánsìyuè21rì1920niánliùyuè14rì)

yuèdòu · wéi Max Weberzài百家争鸣dezuòpǐn!!!
   · wéi ( MaxWeber, 1864 nián 4 yuè 21 1920 nián 6 yuè 14 shì guó de zhèng zhì jīng xué jiā shè huì xué jiā bèi gōng rèn shì xiàn dài shè huì xué gōng gòng xíng zhèng xué zuì zhòng yào de chuàng shǐ rén zhī wéi zuì chū zài bólín hóng bǎo xué kāi shǐ jiào zhí shēng bìng wéi xué hēi xué děng xué rèn jiào duì dāng shí guó de zhèng jiè yǐng xiǎng céng qián wǎng fán 'ěr sài huì dài biǎo guó tán pànbìng qiě cānyù liǎo wèi gòng guó xiàn wèi xiàn de cǎo shè
  
   wéi de zhù yào zhù zuò wéi rào shè huì xué de zōng jiào zhèng zhì yán jiū lǐng shàngdàn duì jīng xué lǐng zuò chū de gòng xiàn de zhī míng zhù zuòxīn jiào lún běn zhù jīng shénshì duì zōng jiào shè huì xué zuì chū de yán jiūwéi zài zhè běn shū zhōng zhù zhāngzōng jiào de yǐng xiǎng shì zào chéng dōng fāng wén huà zhǎn chā de zhù yào yuán yīnbìng qiě qiáng diào xīn jiào lún zài běn zhù guān liáo zhì quán wēi de zhǎn shàng suǒ bàn yǎn de zhòng yào juésèrán 'ér jìn dài zhù míng shè huì xué jiā 'ān dōng · dēng zhǐ chū wéi bìng wèi chū gòu de zhèng shí zhèng míng xīn jiào lún běn zhù zhǎn yòu guān duō jiào wéi zhù yào xìn yǎng de guó jiā jīng zhǎn yàng hěn chū wéi bìng jiāng guó jiā dìng wéi yōng yòu shǐ yòng bào de lǒng duàn wèi de shí zhè dìng duì fāng xiàn dài zhèng zhì xué de zhǎn yǐng xiǎng zài zhǒng xué shù shàng de zhòng yào gòng xiàn tōng cháng bèi tōng chēng wéiwéi mìng ”。
  
   shēng wéi shēng guó lín gēn de 'āi 'ěr shì jiā zhōng de zhǎngzǐ qīn shì míng zhī míng de zhèng zhì jiā gōng yuán qīn de zhí shǐ jiā chōng mǎn liǎo zhèng zhì de fēn duō chū de xué zhě gōng zhòng rén jīng cháng zào fǎng jiā zhōng
  
   shòu dào jiā tíng huán jìng de 'ěr rǎnwéi de 'ā 'ěr léi · wéi ( AlfredWeber) hòu lái chéng wéi liǎo míng shè huì xué jiā jīng xué jiāzài 1876 nián de shèng dàn jiénián jǐn shí sān suì de · wéi zhuàn xiě liǎo liǎng piān shǐ lùn wén sòng gěi biāo fēn bié wéilùn guó shǐ de zhǎn huáng jiào zōng de juésè lùn luó guó cóng jūn shì tǎn dīng zhì mín qiān yùn dòng de shǐ”。 zài shí suì shíwéi xiě de xìn jiàn biàn kāi shǐ yǐn yòng sài luówéi 'ěr wéi děng rén de zhù zuòzài jìn xué qián jīng shú liǎo bīn nuò suōkāng shū běn huá děng rén de lùnnián qīng de wéi biǎo xiàn chū duì yán jiū shè huì xué de qiáng liè xīng
  
  
  
   · wéi de 'ā léi 'ěr, 1879 niánzài 1882 nián wéi jìn liǎo hǎi bǎo xué de jiù tóng qīn yàngwéi xuǎn zuò wéi zhù yào xué lǐng bìng qiě jiā liǎo qīn jiù xué shí de tóng yàng shè tuánchú liǎo de xué wàinián qīng de wéi xué liǎo jīng xuézhōng shì shǐshén xué zài bǎo jiā zhì guó jūn liǎo xiǎo duàn shí jiān
  
   zài 1884 nián de qiū tiānwéi huí dào lǎo jiā jiù bólín hóng bǎo xuézài jiē xià lái 8 nián chú liǎo céng zhì tíng gēn xué jiù xué bìng qiě yòu liǎo duǎn de bīng wàiwéi zhí dài zài bólín yán jiū shēn zàowéi shuāng qīn zhù zài chú liǎo xué wàiwéi dān rèn shí shīzuì hòu zài bólín xué dān rèn jiǎng shīwéi zài 1886 nián tōng guò liǎo shīshí jiē duàn”( Referendar) de yànchéng wéi shí guānzài 1880 nián dài de hòu wéi duì shǐ de yán jiū zài 1889 nián wán chéng liǎo piān biāo wéizhōng shì shāng zhì de shǐde shì lùn wén liǎo de shì xué wèiliǎng nián hòuwéi xiě xià liǎo běn míng wéiluó de nóng shǐ duì gōng gòng de zhòng yào xìngde shūwán chéng liǎo de jiào shòu yàn( Habilitation), wéi yīn chéng wéi zhèng shì de xué jiào shòu
  
   zài wéi jiāng wán chéng shì lùn wén de nián wéi kāi shǐ duì dāng shí de shè huì zhèng chǎn shēng xīng zài 1888 nián jiā liǎo míng wéishè huì zhèng zhì lián méng”( VereinfürSocialpolitik) de tuán zhè zhuān tuán chéng yuán duō shì dāng shí shǔ jīng shǐ xué pài de guó jīng xué jiā men jiāng jīng shì wéi shì jiě jué dāng shí guǎng fàn shè huì wèn de zhù yào fāng bìng qiě duì dāng shí de guó jīng zhǎn kāi guī de tǒng yán jiūzài 1890 nián lián méng chéng liǎo zhuān mén de yán jiū jìhuà jiǎn yàn dāng shí yán zhòng de dōng mín wèn ( Ostflucht): yóu dāng shí guó láo gōng zhú jiàn qiān wǎng kuài gōng huà de guó chéng shì liàng wài guó láo gōng qiān zhì guó dōng de nóng cūn wéi zhè yán jiūbìng qiě xiě xià liǎo duō diào chá jiēguǒzuì hòu de bào gào dào liáng hǎo píng jiàbèi guǎng fàn rèn wéi shì piān jié chū de guān chá yán jiūzhè yīn gǒng liǎo wéi shēn wéi nóng jīng zhuān jiā de míng shēng
  
  
  
   wéi de 'ān · shī 'ěrzài 1893 nián wéi míng yuǎn qīn de biǎo mèi 'ān · shī 'ěr( MarianneSchnitger) jié hūn hòu lái chéng wéi liǎo míng xìng zhù zhě zuò jiāxīn hūn de liǎng rén zài 1894 nián bān jiā zhì lāi bǎowéi zài huò pìn wéi lāi bǎo xué de jīng xué jiào shòu。 1896 nián wéi bèi huò pìn wéi xiào hǎi bǎo xué de jiào shòu nián hòu wéi de qīn shì liǎozài qián liǎng yuè jiān gāng qiǎo jīng liǎo yīcháng liè de zhēng chǎozhè chǎng méi yòu jiě de zhēng chǎo chéng wéi wéi shēng de hànzài zhī hòu wéi huàn shàng liǎo shī mián zhèng xìng biàn de yuè lái yuè shén jīng zhìshǐ yuè lái yuè nán shèng rèn jiào shòu de gōng zuò de jīng shén zhuàng kuàng shǐ jiǎn shǎo jiào xué liàngbìng qiě zài 1899 nián de xué zhōng xiūjià kāiwéi zài 1900 nián de xià qiū jīng shén liáo yǎng yuàn xiū liǎo shù yuè de shí jiānjiē zhe zài nián qián wǎng yóu zhí dào 1902 nián de 4 yuè cái fǎn huí hǎi bǎo
  
   zài 1890 nián dài chū zhù zuò pín fán de nián hòuwéi zài 1898 nián zhí zhì 1902 nián dōuméi yòu zài biǎo rèn zhù zuòzuì hòu zhōng zài 1903 nián qiū liǎo jiào shòu de zhí wèizài bǎi tuō liǎo xué xiào de shù hòuwéi zài nián de tóng shì wéi 'ěr · sōng ( WernerSombart) chuàng bàn liǎo běn míng wéishè huì xué shè huì dàng 'ànde shè huì xué kānyóu wéi dān rèn biān jizài 1904 niánwéi kāi shǐ zhè běn kān biǎo xiē zuì zhòng yào de wén zhāngyóu shì liè míng wéixīn jiào lún běn zhù jīng shénde lùn wénzhè hòu lái chéng wèitā shēng zuì zhī míng de zhù zuòbìng qiě hòu lái duō zhēn duì wén huà zōng jiào duì jīng de yǐng xiǎng de yán jiū diàn dìng gēn zhè piān lùn wén shì wéi piān zài shì shí biàn chū bǎn chéng shū de zhù zuò shì zài niánwéi qián wǎng měi guó yóubìng qiě cānyù liǎo dāng shí zài shèng suǒ xíng de shè huì xué huì héng shì shì jiè lǎn huì xiāng guān de huì zhī jìn guǎn wéi biǎo xiàn de yuè lái yuè chéng gōng réng jué zài shèng rèn dìng de jiào xué gōng zuòyīn wéi chí zhe rén xué zhě de shēnfèn。 1907 nián wéi huò guān de chǎn shǐ zhuān xīn yán jiū dān yōu jīng wèn zài 1912 niánwéi shì zhe zhì zuǒ de zhèng dǎng jié shè huì mín zhù zhù zhě yóu zhù zhězuì hòu bìng méi yòu chéng gōngzhù yào shì yīn wéi dāng shí de yóu zhù zhě réng dān yōu shè huì mín zhù zhù de mìng niàn
  
  
  
   · wéi , 1917 niánzài shì jiè zhàn wéi zài hǎi bǎo de jiān jūn yuàn dān rèn liǎo duàn shí jiān de yuàn chángzài 1915 nián 1916 nián chū rèn zhèng de wěi yuán huìshì bǎo chí guó zài zhàn hòu shí lán de zhù quánwéi rén duì shì jiè zhàn dāng shí guó guó kuò zhāng de kàn suí zhe zhàn de měi kuàng xià 'ér gǎi biànwéi zài 1918 nián chéng wéi hǎi bǎo de láo gōng shì bīng wěi yuán huì de chéng yuán zhī zài 1918 nián wéi chéng wéi guó xiū zhàn wěi yuán huì de míng chéng yuánqián wǎng fán 'ěr sài huì dài biǎo guó tán pànbìng qiě cānyù liǎo wèi gòng guó xiàn de cǎo wěi yuán huìdāng shí wéi zhī chí zài xiàn zhōng jiā shòu quán jǐn jiè yán de 48 hào tiáo kuǎnzhè tiáo kuǎn hòu lái yóu bèi 'ā dào · yòng jiàn cái tǒng zhì 'ér 'è míng zhāo zhāngwéi duì guó zhèng zhì de yǐng xiǎngzhì jīn réng yòu zhēng
  
   wéi zài zhè shí kāi shǐ zhòng zhǎng jiào zhíshǒu xiān shì zài wéi xuéjiē zhe shì zài 1919 nián hēi xuézài hēi xué jiàn liǎo suǒ guó xué de shè huì xué xué dàn zuì hòu cóng méi yòu qīn dān rèn shè huì xué de jiào zhíyóu guó yòu pài zài 1919 nián 1920 nián xiān de dòng dàngwéi kāi liǎo zhèng zhì jièdāng shí duō hēi xué de tóng liáo xué shēng píng zài 1918 nián 1919 nián de guó mìng zhōng de qīn zuǒ pài tài yǎn jiǎng xiē yòu pài de xué shēng hái zài zhù jiā qián kàng wéi zài 1920 nián 6 yuè 14 yīn fèi yán hēi
  
   xué shù chéng jiù · wéi 'ěr · 'āi 'ěr · 'ěr gān bèi bìng liè wéi xiàn dài shè huì xué de sān diàn rénjìn guǎn zài dāng shí zhù yào bèi shì wéi shì shǐ xué jiā jīng xué jiā 'ěr gān 'ěr kǎi zūn xún zhe kǒng de fāng shì shè huì xué de shí zhèng zhù yán jiūér wéi de tóng liáo wéi 'ěr · sōng shì guó shè huì xué zuì zhī míng de dài biǎo rén cǎi de shì fǎn shí zhèng zhù de xiànzhè xiē zhù zuò kāi shǐ liǎo fǎn shí zhèng zhù zài shè huì xué jiè de mìngqiáng diào shè huì xué rán xué zài běn zhì shàng de chā yīn wéi men rèn wéi rén lèi de shè huì xíng wéi guò wéi jiāng fēn lèi wéi chuán tǒng xíng wéigǎn qíng xíng wéimùdì xìng xíng wéi dài xíng wéi), néng yòng chuán tǒng rán xué de fāng shì jiā yán jiūwéi de zǎo zhù zuò tōng cháng gōng shè huì xué yòu guāndàn zuì zhī míng de gòng xiàn shì hòu lái zài zōng jiào shè huì xué zhèng zhì shè huì xué shàng de yán jiū
  
   wéi zàixīn jiào lún běn zhù jīng shénzhōng kāi shǐ liǎo de yán jiūwén zhōng xiǎn shì chū mǒu xiē jìn de xīn jiào jiào pài héng yóu shì 'ěr wén jiào pàijiào zhú jiàn zhuǎn biàn wéi zhēng xìng de jīng huò biǎo men shòu dào shàng de zhù wéi zhù zhāngshòu dào zhè zhǒng xìng jiào chǔ zhù de běn zhù hěn kuài biàn huì zhǎn de yuè lái yuè páng bìng qiě yuán xiān de zōng jiào chǎn shēng máo dùndào zuì hòu zōng jiào biàn huì miǎn de bèi pāo wéi zài hòu lái de zuò pǐn yán jiū zhè yàng de xiàn xiàngyóu shì zài duì guān liáo zhì duì zhèng zhì quán wēi de fēn lèi shàngzài zhè xiē zhù zuò zhōng 'àn shì liǎo zhè zhǒng shè huì de xìng huà shì miǎn de shì
  
   zhí zhù de shìjīn tiān duō wéi de zhù zuò dōushì zài hòu cái bèi shōu xiū dìngbìng chū bǎnzhè xiē gōng zuò zhù yào shì yóu de shī 'ěr jìn xíng de 'ěr · sēn děng zhī míng de shè huì xué jiādōu xiě xià liǎo duō duì wéi zhù zuò de jiě shì
  
   zōng jiào shè huì xué wéi zài zōng jiào shè huì xué shàng de yán jiū kāi shǐ míng wéixīn jiào lún běn zhù jīng shénde lùn wénbìng qiě zàizhōng guó de zōng jiào : jiào dào jiào yìn de zōng jiào : yìn jiào jiào de shè huì xué》、《 yóu tài jiào tàn suǒ duì zōng jiào de yán jiū yóu zài 1920 nián de rán shì 'ér zhōng duànshǐ zài yóu tài jiàozhī hòu de liè yán jiū héng bāo kuò liǎo jìhuà zhōng duì shī piān yóu tài rén zǎo jiào lán jiào de yán jiū suǒ wán chéng de sān zhù yào yán jiū guān zhù zōng jiào duì jīng huó dòng de yǐng xiǎngshè huì jiē céng zōng jiào xiǎng jiān de guān fāng wén míng de zhēng
  
   de biāo shì wéi liǎo zhǎo chū dōng fāng wén huà zhǎn chā de zhù yào yuán yīn guò dāng shí duō zūn xún shè huì 'ěr wén zhù de xiǎng jiā tóng de shìwéi zuì chū bìng méi yòu suàn héng liàng píng duàn dōng fāng liǎng zhě de yōu liè wàng zhuān zhù yán jiū bìng jiě shì fāng wén huà shū zhī chùzài de yán jiū fēn wéi zhǐ chū 'ěr wén zhù huò zhě gèng guǎng fàn de héng jiàozōng jiào xiǎng de yǐng xiǎng chéng wéi 'ōu zhōu měi guó de shè huì biàn jīng zhǎn de zhù yào yuán yīndàn zhǐ chū zhè bìng fēi chéng zhǎn wéi de yīn zhòng yào de yīn hái bāo kuò liǎo xìng zhù duì xué de zhuī qiújiā shàng shù xué de xué tǒng xué duì zhèng xíng zhèng xìng de tǒng huà jīng shàng de zuì hòu wéi de kàn zōng jiào shè huì xué de yán jiū zhǐ guò shì tàn suǒ jiē duàn de biàn xiē ràng fāng wén míng chū wén míng zhī wài de zhòng yào zhēng
  
  《 xīn jiào lún běn zhù jīng shén
  
  《 xīn jiào lún běn zhù jīng shénzuì chū wén bǎn běn de fēng miànwéi de lùn wénxīn jiào lún běn zhù jīng shén》( DieprotestantischeEthikundderGeistdesKapitalismus) shì zuì zhī míng de zhù zuò xiē rén rèn wéi zhè běn shū shì duì xīn jiào de xiáng yán jiūér shí shì wéi hòu lái de zhù zuò de jiè shàoyóu shì duì duō zōng jiào xiǎng jīng xíng wéi zhī jiān de dòng de yán jiūzàixīn jiào lún běn zhù jīng shénzhōngwéi chū liǎo zhī míng de lùn diǎn jiù shì qīng jiào de xiǎng yǐng xiǎng liǎo běn zhù de zhǎn bān zōng jiào de chuán tǒng wǎng wǎng pái chì shì de shì yóu shì jīng chéng jiù shàng de zhuī qiúdàn wèishénme zhè zhǒng guān niàn méi yòu shēng zài xīn jiào shēng wéi zài zhè piān lùn wén jiě shì liǎo zhè bèi lùn
  
   wéi jiāng běn zhù de jīng shéndìng wéi zhǒng yōng zhuī qiú jīng de xiǎngwéi zhǐ chūruò shì zhǐ kǎo dào rén duì de zhuī qiú shízhè yàng de jīng shén bìng fēi zhǐ xiàn fāng wén huàdàn shì zhè yàng de rén héng yīng xióng bān de jiāwéi chēng menhéng bìng néng xíng jiàn xīn de jīng zhì běn zhù )。 wéi xiàn zhè xiē rén yōng yòu de gòng tóng qīng xiàng hái bāo kuò liǎo shì zuì xiǎo de zuàn zuì de rùnér yǐn cáng zài zhè qīng xiàng bèi hòu de guān niànbiàn shì rèn wéi gōng zuò shì zhǒng zuì 'è shì zhǒng yīnggāi miǎn de dānyóu shì dāng gōng zuò chāo guò zhèng cháng de fèn liàng shí。“ wèile chéng zhè yàng de shēng huó fāng shì 'ér rán liǎo běn zhù de zhìnéng gòu zhī pèi rénwéi xiě dào:“ zhè zhǒng jīng shén dìng shì lái mǒu zhǒng fāng huì shì lái dān de rénér shì lái zhěng tuán de shēng huó fāng shì”。
  
   zài dìng liǎo běn zhù de jīng shén hòuwéi zhù zhāng yòu hěn duō yuán yīn shǐ men yīnggāi cóng zōng jiào gǎi yùn dòng de zōng jiào xiǎng xún zhǎo zhè zhǒng jīng shén de gēn yuán duō guān chá jiā mèng jiū jìzǎi xià xīn jiào shāng jīng shén zhǎn zhī jiān de mìqiè guān wéi zhǐ chū mǒu xiē xíng shì de xīn jiào de jiào héng yóu shì 'ěr wénjiā 'ěr wénjiào pài héng zhī chí xìng de zhuī qiú jīng shì de huó dòngjiāng zhè xiē xíng wéi liǎo zhèng miàn de jīng shén dào de hán zhè bìng fēi shì xiē zōng jiào xiǎng de zuì chū biāofǎn 'ér xiàng shì chǎn pǐn héng zhè xiē jiào zhǐ shì suǒ gēn de nèi zài luó ji zhí jiē huò fēi zhí jiē de liǎo duì jīng de wàng zhuī qiú xìng jìhuà cháng jiàn de biàn shì xīn jiào duì zhì xié jiàng de miáo huì suō zhù shēn zhuān zhù zhì xiéjiāng zhěng rén gòng xiàn gěi shàng de rén
  
   wéi chēng fàng liǎo duì xīn jiào de jìn yán jiūyīn wéi de tóng liáo 'ēn · 'ěr (ErnstTroeltsch), míng zhuān de shén xué jiā jīng zhǎn kāi liǎo lìng běn shū de zhuān mén yán jiūlìng yuán yīn shì yīn wéi zhè piān lùn wén jīng gōng liǎo xiāng dāng guǎng fàn de guān chá diǎnshǐ néng gòu zài jiē xià lái de yán jiū jiào de zōng jiào shè huìxiàn dài suǒ chēng degōng zuò lún zhè biàn shì yuán wéi suǒ tǎo lùn dào dexīn jiào lún ”。 guò zhè zhǐ yòng xīn jiào de lún néng tào yòng zhì běn rényóu tài rén fēi shēn shàng liǎo
  
  《 zhōng guó de zōng jiào jiào dào jiào》《 zhōng guó de zōng jiào jiào dào jiàoshì wéi zài zōng jiào shè huì xué shàng de 'èr běn zhù yào zhù zuò ( fān zuò jiào”, dàn shí shàng yìng chēng zuò jiā )。 wéi zhuān zhù tàn suǒ zhōng guó shè huì xiē 'ōu tóng de fāng héng yóu shì qīng jiào de duì zhào bìng qiě chū liǎo wèn wèishénme běn zhù méi yòu zài zhōng guó zhǎn wéi zhuān zhù zǎo de zhōng guó shǐyóu shì zhū bǎi jiā zhàn guózài zhè shí zhù yào de zhōng guó xiǎng xué pài jiào dào jiàokāi shǐ xiǎn 'ér chū
  
   dào liǎo gōng yuán qián 200 niánzhōng guó de guó jiā zhì jīng cóng sōng sàn de fēng jiàn zhì guó jiā de lián bāng zhǎn wéi tǒng de shì zhì xiāng chuán de guó tóng zài 'ōu zhōu yàngzhōng guó de chéng shì chéng wéi liǎo yào sài huò shì lǐng dǎo zhě de zhù bìng qiě chéng wéi liǎo mào gōng jiàng de zhōng xīnrán 'ér 'ōu zhōu tóng de shì men cóng lái méi yòu zhèng zhì shàng de zhì quán shì mín méi yòu bié de zhèng zhì quán huò quánzhè zhù yào shì yīn wéi qīn guān de jǐn lián jié zào chéng deér zhè zhǒng lián jié shì chū zōng jiào xìn yǎng de chuán guān niànlìng wàigōng jiàng de tóng gōng huì jìng zhēng xiàng huáng zhēng chǒngér cóng lái méi yòu shì zhe lián lái zhēng gèng duō zhèng zhì quán yīn zhōng guó chéng shì de mín cóng lái méi yòu chéng tóng 'ōu zhōu chéng shì bān de shè huì jiē
  
   jiào zǎo de guó jiā tǒng zhōng yāng guān liáo zhì de jiàn wèi zhe zhōng guó shè huì quán dǒu zhēng de jiāo diǎn cóng de fēn pèi zhuǎn zhì guān zhí de fēn pèiguān liáo de tān xiǎo fèi shuì shōu chéng wèile men zuì zhù yào de shōu lái yuánguó jiā yòu 50% de shuì liú liǎo men de kǒu dài guó de zhèng lài zhè xiē guān liáo de ér fēi tóng 'ōu zhōu bān lài shì de jūn shì
  
   wéi zhǐ chū jiào duì duō mín jiān jiào pài de xìn yǎng zhǎn xiàn xiāng dāng kuān róng de tài ér cóng méi yòu shì zhe jiāng men tǒng wéi dān de zōng jiào jiào bān xíng 'ér shàng xué de zōng jiào jiào tóng de shì jiào jiào dǎo rén men yào shùn zhe zhè shì jiè tiáozhěng xiū zhèng。“ gāo děngde rén menzhī shí fènzǐyīnggāi miǎn zhuī qiú cái suī rán méi yòu biǎn cái běn shēn), yīn zhōng guó biàn chéng liǎo dān rèn gōng yuán shāng rén yōng yòu gèng gāo shè huì wèi gèng gāo de guó jiā .。
  
   zhōng guó wén míng bìng méi yòu zōng jiào de xiān zhī huò shì quán de sēng jiē huáng shēn biàn shì guó jiào wèi zuì gāo de sēng zhì shàng de tǒng zhì zhědàn mín jiān de zhǒng xìn yǎng huì bèi róng rěnzhǐ guò sēng de zhèng zhì zhǎn kōng jiān huì bèi suō jiǎn)。 zhè zhǒng qíng kuàng zhōng shì de 'ōu zhōu chǎn shēng qiáng liè duì zài 'ōu zhōu jiào huì zhì liǎo xiàn shì de tǒng zhì zhěér qiě tǒng zhì zhě rén mín suǒ bào chí de xìn yǎng dōushì yàng de
  
   jiào de xué shuōduì wěi shén zhǐ de jìng yǎng zhǐ shì zhèng de shì ér duì xiān de jìng yǎng shì suǒ yòu réndōu zūn cóng dechú zhī wài duō duō mín jiān de xìn yǎng dōubèi róng rěn jiào róng rěn shù shén zhù héng zhǐ yào men néng gòu zuò wéi bāng zhù kòng zhì qún zhòng de yòu yòng gōng dàn ruò shì men wēi xié dào yòu de zhì jiào biàn huì qiǎn wéi duān bìng háo yóu de jiā zhèn tóng duì jiào de )。 zài zhè jiào zhǐ de shì zuò wéi zhǒng guó jiàoér dào jiào shì mín jiān de xìn yǎng
  
   wéi zhù zhāngsuī rán yòu xiē duì běn zhù jīng zhǎn yòu de yīn cún zàicháng de píngyùn de gǎi shànrén kǒu zēngzhǎng de yóuqiān zhì chū shēng wài de yóu xuǎn zhí de yóu), rán 'ér zhè xiē yòu yīn dōuwú xiāo yīn de miàn yǐng xiǎng duō shù lái zōng jiào):
  
   shù de gǎi zài zōng jiào de chǔ shàng bèi fǎn duìyīn wéi néng huì rǎo luàn duì xiān de chóng jìngjìn 'ér zhāo zhì huài yùn ér tiáozhěng shēn shì yìng zhè shì jiè de xiàn zhuàng bèi shì wéi shì gèng hǎo de xuǎn
  
   duì de mài chū jīng cháng bèi jìn zhǐhuò zhě bèi xiàn zhì de xiāng dāng kùn nán
  
   kuò zhāng de qīn guān gēn duì jiā tíng guān xiān chóng jìng de zōng jiào xìn yǎng shàngbǎo jiā tíng chéng yuán miǎn shòu jīng de kùn jìng yīn náo liǎo jiè zhàigōng zuò gōng zuò guò chéng de xìng huà
  
   xiē qīn guān fáng 'ài liǎo chéng shì shū jiē de zhǎnbìng qiě náo liǎo cháo xiàng wán shàn zhì guī shī jiē jué de zhǎn
  
   wéi de shuō jiào xīn jiào dài biǎo liǎo liǎng zhǒng guǎng fàn dàn pái chì de xìng huàliǎng zhě shì zhe mǒu zhǒng zhōng de zōng jiào xìn yǎng shè rén lèi shēng huóliǎng zhě jié zhì kòng zhìyědōu néng cái de lěi xiāng bìng cúnrán 'ér jiào de biāo shì bìng bǎo cún zhǒng wén huà de wèibìng qiě zhī zuò wéi shǒu duàn lái shì yìng zhè shì jièqiáng diào jiào wán shàn mào jiā tíng lún xiāng fǎn de xīn jiào xiē shǒu duàn lái chuàng zào shàng de gōng ”, chuàng zào néng gòu shì shàng zào shì zhù de rénzhè yàng qiáng liè de xìn yǎng qíng de xíng dòng bèi jiào de měi xué jià zhí guān niàn suǒ pái chìyīn wéi zhù zhāng zhè zhǒng zài jīng shén shàng de chā biàn shì dǎo zhì běn zhù zài fāng wén míng zhǎn fán róngquè chí chí méi yòu zài zhōng guó chū xiàn de yuán yīn
  
  《 yìn de zōng jiào : yìn jiào jiào de shè huì xué》《 yìn de zōng jiào : yìn jiào jiào de shè huì xuéshì wéi zài zōng jiào shè huì xué shàng de sān běn zhù yào zhù zuòzài zhè běn shū zhōng jiǎn yàn liǎo yìn shè huì de jià gòuduì zhào liǎo zhèng tǒng de yìn jiào jiào fēi zhèng tǒng de jiào jiào mín jiān xìn yǎng de yǐng xiǎngzuì hòu bìng yán jiū zhè xiē zōng jiào xiǎng duì yìn shè huì zài xiàn shì shàng de dào guān de yǐng xiǎng
  
   yìn de shè huì zhì shì yóu zhǒng xìng zhì de gài niàn suǒ xíng zhí jiē lián jié liǎo zōng jiào xiǎng shè huì shàng de jiē fēn de guān wéi miáo shù zhè zhǒng zhǒng xìng zhì shì yóu luó ménsēng )、 chà zhàn shì)、 fèi shèshāng rén)、 shǒu tuó luóláo gōngsuǒ chéngjiē zhe zhǐ chū zhǒng xìng zhì zài yìn de sàn shì yīn wéi shǐ shàng de zhēng qīn lüè suǒ zào chéngmǒu xiē luò zāo dào liǎo biān yuán huàzhǒng zhì yīn yuè lái yuè gēn shēn
  
   wéi bié zhuān zhù duì luó mén jiē de yán jiūbìng fēn men wèihé néng gòu zhàn yìn shè huì de zuì gāo jiē wèi zhì cháng shù shì zài yán jiū liǎo gài niàn de yǐng xiǎng hòuwéi zǒng jié rèn wéi yìn shè huì de dào guān duō yuán qīng xiàng jiào jiào shì 'ér tǒng de dào guān xiāng tóng tóng zhōng guó yàng zhù dào zhǒng xìng zhì fáng 'ài liǎo yìn shì jiē de zhǎn
  
   jǐn jiē zhewéi fēn liǎo yìn de zōng jiào xiǎngbāo kuò liǎo jìn zhù yìn de shì jiè guān luó mén de zhèng tǒng jiào jiào zài yìn de jué shuāi tuì yìn jiào de zhǎnwéi chū de wèn shìzhè xiē zōng jiào xiǎng duì yìn shè huì cháng de shì huó dòng yòu méi yòu rèn yǐng xiǎng guǒ yòu de huà yòu duì jīng huó dòng chǎn shēng liǎo shénme yǐng xiǎngwéi zhù dào yìn jiào suǒ qiáng diào de yǒng héng biàn de shì jiè zhì shì yóu yǒng tíng zhǐ de lún huí gài niàn duì xiàn shì shì jiè de suǒ gòu chéng xiàn zhè zhǒng yóu zōng jiào zhī chí de chuán tǒng zhǒng xìng zhì zuì hòu 'ài liǎo jīng de zhǎnhuàn huà shuōzhǒng xìng zhì dejīng shénduì dāng de běn zhù zhǎn liǎo de náo zuò yòng
  
   zài yán jiū de zǒng jié wéi jiāng duì yìn shè huì xué zōng jiào de yán jiū zhī qián duì zhōng guó de yán jiū zōng lái zhù dào zhè xiē zōng jiào jiāng rén lèi shēng mìng de jiě shì wéi chāo tuō shì de huò shì shén xìng de jīng yànzhè xiē shè huì de zhī shí fènzǐ tōng cháng qīng xiàng yàn 'è zhèng zhìér shè huì jià gòu wǎng wǎng bèi fēn wéi shòu guò jiào fǒu de liǎng zhǒng jiē xiē shòu guò jiào de zhī shí fèn zuò wéi xiān zhī huò zhì zhě de bǎng yàngér wèi shòu jiào de zhòng tíng liú zài cháng shēng huó de yōng bìng qiě xiāng xìn xìn de mín jiān shùzài zhōu shè huì tóng jiào sài bānnéng gòu fēn shòu guò jiào fǒu jiē jǐyǔ jiù shú zhǐ yǐn de jiù shì zhù bìng cún zàiwéi zhù zhāngzhèng shì yīn wéi sài jiù shì zhù yuán jìn dōng guó jiāshǐ men zhōu de zhù yào zōng jiào chǎn shēng chā fāng guó jiā yīn miǎn xiàn zhōng guó yìn de dào wéi zài xià běn zhù zuò yóu tài jiàojìn zhèng shí liǎo zhè lùn diǎn
  
  《 yóu tài jiào》《 yóu tài jiàoshì wéi duì zōng jiào shè huì xué de běn zhù zuòwéi shì zhe jiě shì zhǒng qíng kuàng de jié dǎo zhì liǎo zǎo dōng fāng fāng wén míng de chā yóu shì jiāng fāng jiào de shì jìn zhù yìn zhǎn chū de shén míng xìn yǎng xiāng duì zhào shízhè zhǒng chā xiǎn bié míng xiǎnwéi zhù dào xiē jiào de guān diǎn dài yòu zhēng gǎi biàn shì jiè de xiǎngér jiā táo zhīzhè zhǒng jiào de běn zhēngdāng yuǎn dōng de zōng jiào xiāng duì zhào shí shì yuán dài yóu tài rén de xiān zhīdāng wéi shù yán jiū yóu tài jiào de yuán yīn shí xiě dàorèn zài xiàn dài 'ōu zhōu wén míng chuán tǒng xià chéngzhǎng de réndōu huì rán de lián chuàn de jiǎ shè lái jiě jué dào de shǐ wèn zhè duì 'ér yán shì miǎn 'ér qiě xiāng dāng dezhè xiē wèn jiāng zhǎo chū zài zhǒng qíng kuàng de jié xià fāng wén huà de zhī chù biàn de wén huà hán 。”
  
  “ duì yóu tài rén 'ér yán shì jiè de shè huì zhì jīng zhǎn zhì dāng chū xiān zhī duì wèi lái de nuò yán xiāng fǎn de qíng kuàng liǎodàn men réng rèn wéi wèi lái zhè zhǒng qíng kuàng huì bèi gǎi biànyóu tài rén huì zài jué zài yóu tài rén kàn lái láishì jiè shì yǒng héng de fēi chéng biàn deér shì bèi chuàng zào chū lái deshì jiè biǎo xiàn chū de jià gòu jiù tóng rén xíng wéi de jiēguǒchú liǎo suǒ yòu yóu tài rén zhī wàijiā shàng shàng duì men de fǎn yìng 'ér xíng 'ér chéng de yīn shì jiè běn shēn shì shǐ de chǎn shì bèi shè yòng shí xiàn shàng zhǐ dìng de zhì dechú zhī wài shì cún zài yòu gāo xìng de zōng jiào lún de shè huì shàng shòu shén shù suǒ yòu fēi xìng xún qiú jiù shú de xíng wéi de yǐng xiǎng xiē zhōu zōng jiào chū de jiù shú jìng wán quán chǔyú tóng de shì jiègèng guǎng fàn de shuō zhè zhǒng dào guān zài jīn tiān rán shì zhōng dōng 'ōu zhōu de běn dào guānyóu tài rén zài shì jiè shǐ shàng de zhòng yào xìng biàn shì chū zhè yuán yīn。… yīn zài kǎo dào yóu tài rén dāng chū zhǎn de shǐ shí men biàn lái dào liǎo fāng zhōng dōng zhěng wén huà zhǎn de fēn shuǐ lǐng。”
  
   wéi fēn liǎo zhōng dōng bèi yīn rénchéng bāng rén nóng men zhī jiān de dòng chōng liè lián wáng guó de xīng shuāi luòlián wáng guó de shí jiù fǎng shǐ zhōng de chāqǔjiāng chū 'āi lái de lián bāng shí liè rén zài jiā nán de zhí mín shí fēn wéi 'èrzhè zhǒng shí de fēn zōng jiào de shǐ yòu guān yóu yóu tài jiào de běn jiào shì zài liè lián bāng shí xíng chéng de men zài lián wáng cháo shuāi bài hòu chéng wèile xiān zhī gài niàn de chǔbìng zài hòu lái duì fāng wén míng chǎn shēng liǎo de yǐng xiǎng
  
   wéi tǎo lùn liǎo zǎo liè de lián bāng jià gòu liè rén huá de guān wài guó zōng jiào de yǐng xiǎngzōng jiào kuáng de xíng shì yóu tài jiào men duì kàng zōng jiào kuáng rèhuo 'ǒu xiàng chóng bài de dǒu zhēng jiē zhe miáo shù liǎo wáng guó de fēn lièshèng jīng de xiān zhī men zài shè huì fāng miàn de tài huò rén xīn de zhèng zōng jiào xìn zhèng zhì xiān zhī men de dào guānwéi zhù dào yóu tài jiào zhǐ shì jiào lán jiào de shǐ tóng shí shì xiàn dài fāng shì jiè jué de guān jiàn yīn yīn wéi yǐng xiǎng liǎo luó de wén huàshè huì xué jiā lài yīn hǎdé · běn (ReinhardBendix) gài shù yóu tài jiào shū dào:“ zài shàng de níng shì xià miǎn shù shén xìnxiàn shēn de yán jiūjǐn shèn xuǎn zuò chū zhèng què de shì qíng pàn wèi lái néng gòu gèng hǎoxiān zhī men shè liǎo zhè yàng jiāng rén de cháng shēng huó zhì cóng shàng zhǐ shì de dào xià de zōng jiàotòu guò zhè yàng de jiào yóu tài jiào chéng liǎo dào xìng zhù de fāng wén míng de dàn shēng。”
  
   zhèng zhì zhèng shè huì xué
  
  《 zhèng zhì zuò wéi zhǒng zhí wén bǎn 'èr bǎn fēng miànzài zhèng zhì zhèng de shè huì xué shàngwéi zuì zhòng yào de gòng xiàn zhī biàn shì piān míng wéizhèng zhì zuò wéi zhǒng zhí 》( PolitikalsBeruf) de lùn wénzài zhè piān lùn wén wéi chū liǎo duì guó jiā de dìng guó jiā shì yōng yòu shǐ yòng bào de lǒng duàn wèide shí zhè dìng chéng wéi fāng shè huì xué de zhòng yào chǔzài zhè piān lùn wén wéi zhù zhāngzhèng zhì yīnggāi bèi shì wéi shì rèn huì yǐng xiǎng dào kòng zhì bào de quán fēn pèi de huó dòngzhèng zhì yīn shì chún cuì lái quán yīn zhèng zhì jiā néng bèi shì wéi shì zhēn zhèng dào de ”, néng tóng shān shàng bǎo xùn suǒ shù de huì jiāng liǎn jiá zhuǎn guò lái ràng rén guó 'ěr guāngzūn cóng yàng de dào de rén yīnggāi bèi guī shǔ shèng rénzhǐ yòu shèng rén cái huì zhè yàng zuòér xiàn shí de zhèng zhì jiè shì méi yòu yǔn shèng rén cānyù de kōng jiān de zhèng zhì jiā yīnggāi cǎi de lún shì dào zhèng zhì biāo de quán héng (Proportion)、 rèn de lún (Responsibility), bìng qiě duì de zhí yōng yòu qiáng liè de qíng (Passion)、 tóng shí hái xué huì jiāng de qíng hàowù shí biāo kāi lái (Distance)。
  
   wéi bìng qiě chū liǎo sān zhǒng zhèng shì de zhèng zhì zhī pèi quán wēi de xíng shìmèi xíng quán wēijiā zōng jiào)、 chuán tǒng xíng quán wēizōng zhù quánfēng jiàn zhì )、 xíng quán wēixiàn dài de guó jiāguān liáo)。 wéi zhù zhāng shǐ shàng de tǒng zhì zhě bèi tǒng zhì zhě jiān de guān duō shǎo bāo hán liǎo zhè yàng de chéngfèn rèn wéi mèi xíng quán wēi de wěn dìng xìng rán dǎo zhì bèi zhuǎn biàn wéicháng guī dequán wēi xíng shì jiù shì chuán tǒng huò zhě guān liáo xíng zhī pèitóng yàng de zhù dào zài chún cuì de chuán tǒng xíng zhī pèi duì zhī pèi zhě de kàng dào dìng chéng shí biàn huì chǎn shēngchuán tǒng de mìng”。 yīn wéi 'àn shì liǎo shè huì huì zhú jiàn cháo xiàng xìng de quán wēi jià gòu zhǎnbìng qiě yòng guān liáo de jià gòu zhì jìn guǎn wéi páng de zhù zuò zhōng 'àn shì zhè zhǒng shè huì de xìng huà shì miǎn de shì shí fēn xiǎo xīn miǎn jìn huà lùn mùdì lùn de luó jirán 'ér yóu wéi zuì zǎo de yīng lái jié gòu gōng néng pài de TalcottParsons, shǐ de lùn shí cháng bèi shì wéi shè huì jìn huà lùn de fēn
  
   wéi zài shè huì de guān liáo huà shàng de pàn yán jiū xiāng dāng wéi rén suǒ zhīyán jiū zhèng shì de shè huì zhì xìng de fāng shì tào yòng mǒu zhǒng xíng shì de guān liáo zhì shì shí shàng shì yīn wéi wéi zhǎn kāi liǎo duì guān liáo zhì de yán jiūshǐ guān liáo( Bureaucracy) zhè chéng wéi cháng yòng de shè huì xué shù duō xiàn dài gōng gòng xíng zhèng xué de yán jiū dōukě zhuī huí wéi dāng shè huì xué yán jiū shù chuán tǒng deyòu zhe jiē jià gòu de xíng wén guān zhì shí jīng cháng jiāng zhī chēng wéiwéi wén guān zhì”。 guò zhè zhǐ shì wéi zài dejīng shè huì》( 1922) suǒ de zhōng zhǒng gōng gòng xíng zhèng zhèng tǒng zhì xíng shìér qiě wéi rén bìng xīn shǎng zhè zhǒng zhì héng zhǐ shì rèn wéi bié chéng gōng yòu xiào liǎozài zhè běn shū wéi gòu huà chū liǎo shè huì xué zhī míng de xìng huàgài niàn cóng jià zhí wéi xiàng xíng dòng de zhìchuán tǒng xíng quán wēi mèi xíng quán wēizhuǎn biàn wéi mùdì wéi xiàng xíng dòng de zhì xíng quán wēi)。 ér wéi de shuō duàn xìng huà de jiēguǒ jiāng huì shì bīng lěng de běi wǎnhéng rén lèi shēng huó de xìng huà zào chéng rén xiàn liǎo quán tǒng zhì xìng wéi gēn tiě lóng wéi de guān liáo yán jiū shǐ zhèng què liǎo 'é guó de shè huì zhù mìng de jié yóu yóu shì chǎng zhì zāo dào fèi zhǐguó jiā dàn méi yòu xiāo shī 'ěr · yán gòng chǎn zhù shè huì jiāng huì chéng zhè biāo)、 fǎn 'ér kāi shǐ liǎo guī jīng rén de guò guān liáo huà 'ér yánduǎn quē jīng de bào biàn shì zhèng zhī )。
  
   zhí de shìwéi zài sān zhǒng zhèng dāng zhī pèi zhī wàicéng jīng chū de chéng shì gòng zhèng zhì shì zhǒng fēi zhèng dāng de zhī pèi jiàn de zhī pèi lèi xíng xué réng yòu zhī chù duì mín zhù zhèng zhì mèi xíng lǐng xiù guān liáo tiě lóng zhī jiān dòng de bēi guān duì hòu shì de mín zhù lùn bié shì xióng de jīng yīng zhèng zhì xué shuōchǎn shēng liǎo de yǐng xiǎngwéi duì wèi mín zhù de kàn jiàn liǎo cuì de xīng
  
   jīng shǐ xué shè huì fēn céng suī rán · wéi zài jīn tiān zuì wéi rén suǒ zhī de shì shēn wéi xiàn dài shè huì xué de chuàng shǐ rén diàn xué zhě zhī dàn zài duō lǐng yòu shǎo chéng jiùzuì zhí zhù de shì jīng xuéwéi zài shì shí zhè yàng jīng què de xué fēn lèi xiāng dāng shǎo jiànér wéi shì wéi zhù yào shì shǐ xué jiā jīng xué jiāshè huì xué jiā jǐn shì 'èr lǐng liǎo
  
   cóng jīng xué jiā de guān diǎn lái kàn · wéi dài biǎo de shì guó de jīng shǐ xué pàizuì nián qīngde dài duì jīng xué zuì zhòng yào de gòng xiàn shì de zhī míng zhù zuòxīn jiào lún běn zhù jīng shén》, zhè běn shū jīng diǎn de duì zhào liǎo zōng jiào zài jīng zhǎn shàng chǎn shēng de yǐng xiǎngwéi de yán jiū lǐng de tóng liáo wéi 'ěr · sōng xiāng tóngsōng jiāng běn zhù de jué guī gōng yóu tài jiào de yǐng xiǎngwéi duì jīng xué de zhù yào gòng xiànzhěng shàng shì duì shè huì xué de gòng xiànhái bāo kuò liǎo zài fāng xué shàng de yán jiū duì jiě shì shè huì xué( Verstehen; lái wéi jiěde lùn fǎn shí zhèng zhù yòu chēng wéi rén wén zhù shè huì xué) )。
  
   jiě shì shè huì xué de yuán shì shè huì xué zhù yào de yán jiū fàn zhī zhī chí zhě píng zhě xiāng dāng duōzhè zhǒng yán jiū fāng shì zhù zhāng shè huì xuéjīng xué shǐ xué děng shè huì xué de yán jiū yǒng yuǎn néng chè de guī jìzǎiyīn wéi yán jiū zhě zhí yòu zhe gài niàn shàng de rèn zhī cái néng jiā tàn suǒ zhīwéi jiāng zhè zhǒng tiáo jiàn chēng wéi xiǎng xíng shì”( IdealType)。 zhè zhǒng xiǎng zhè yàng guī xiǎng de xíng shì shì yóu duō xiàn xiàng gōng de mǒu xiē zhēng chéngfèn suǒ chéngdàn què huì rèn dìng de xiàn xiàng yòu zhe wán quán yàng de zhēngwéi de xiǎng xíng shì chéng wéi duì shè huì xué zuì zhòng yào de gòng xiàn zhī
  
   wéi chéng rèn zhè zhǒng xiǎng xíng shìshì zhǒng chōu xiàng de chǎn dàn zhù zhāng rèn xiǎng yào liǎo jiě dìng shè huì xiàn xiàng de réndōu yòu zhè zhǒng xiǎng xíng shìyīn wéi de xiàn xiàng tóng de shìshè huì xué hái qiān shè dào wàn fēn de rén lèi xíng wéiér zhè zhǐ yòu néng xiǎng xíng shì de fāng lái jiā jiě shì xiǎng xíng shì de gài niànjiā shàng de fǎn shí zhèng zhù de lùn bèi shì wéi shì duì xìng de jīng rénde fāng lùn jiǎ shè de biàn
  
   wéi bìng qiě gōng shì huà liǎo shè huì jiē céng de sān yào jiàn lùnzhù zhāng shè huì jiē shè huì wèi tuán huò zhèng dǎngzài gài niàn shàng shì tóng de yào jiàn
  
   shè huì jiē shì zài jīng shàng shì chǎng de dòng suǒ jué dìng de zhùchéng rényuán gōng děng děng)。
  
   shè huì wèi shì fēi jīng de chéngfèn róng shēng wàng zōng jiào gòu chéng
  
   zhèng dǎng zhǐ rén zhèng zhì jiè de lián
  
   ér zhè sān zhǒng yào jiàn huì yǐng xiǎng dào wéi chēng wéishēng huìde jiēguǒ
  
   wéi duì jīng xué hái yòu xiē gòng xiànbāo kuò liǎo jīng guò rèn zhēn yán jiū de luó nóng shǐ zàijīng shè huì shū shù de wéi xīn zhù wéi zhù liǎng zhě duì běn zhù shǐ de yǐng xiǎngwéi zài shū zhōng chéng xiàn liǎo duì zhù de xiē píngzuì hòu zàijīng shǐ》( Wirtschaftsgeschichte) zhōng de zǎi yán jiū bèi shì wéi shì jīng shǐ xué pài zuì jié chū de zuò pǐn zhī
  
   duì · wéi de píng · wéi guān xīn jiào lún jué dìng jīng zhǎn de guān diǎn 'ōu zhōu de zhǎn běn shēn xiāng máo dùn běi fāng lāi yīn bān guó děng běn zhù jīng de zhǎnjīng cháng bèi kàn zuò běn zhù zhǎn dān yīn jué dìng lùn de fǎn bāo kuò dezhèng zhì de huò zhě dān yīn de jué dìng lùn bāo kuò xīn jiào lún lùn bān rèn wéi shǐ shàng 'ōu zhōu běn zhù zhǎn de tuī dòng zài cái chǎn quán de jiā qiángjiāo chéng běn de jiàng fēng jiàn zhù de shuāi luò jiě děng
  
   zài xiàn dāng dàizhōng guó xiāng gǎngtái wānxīn jiā běn děng zài jīng shàng liǎo fán róngér zhè xiē shì yòu jiā jià zhí guān de shè huìdōng de chéng gōng jiào méi yòu guān yīn biǎo miàn kàn lái · wéi guān xīn jiào lún jīng zhǎn de lùn shì shí xiāng bèidàn shì · wéi zài de yán jiū zhōng jǐn jǐn shì jiē shì xīn jiào lún zài běn zhù jīng shén xíng chéng chū de suǒ bàn yǎn de huǒ chē bān dào gōng juésè hòu de běn zhù fēng shàng( ethos) zài shí kōng de tuī zhōng huò liǎo xīn de fēi zōng jiào xìng néng liàng zhí zhe de yóurén lèi shǐ jiù zǒu shàng liǎo xīn de guǐ dào · wéi céng yōu xīn chōng chōng zài xīn jiào lún běn zhù jīng shén shū jié wěi chù jiāng zhè zhǒng chéng shú běn zhù de nèi zài luó ji shēn yǎn huà chēng wéirén lèi de tiě lóng’。
  
   dāng dài lái jiě gòu zhù huò zhèng zhù děng duì xīn jiào lùn de pàn rèn wéi wéi zēng jiā shì cái de gōng zuò shì shén shèng de huò gāo guì de zhuī qiú de jiǎ shè běn shēn bìng chéng xiē zuò jiā hēng · wèi · suō luó( HenryDavidThoreau) sài miù 'ěr · yuē hàn xùn( SamuelJohnson) děng rén wéi xīn cháo rén qúnlǎnsǎn zhě pàn xīn jiào děng lùn gōng liǎo chǔ


  Maximilian Karl Emil "Max" Weber (German pronunciation: [ˈmaks ˈveːbɐ]; 21 April 1864 – 14 June 1920) was a German sociologist, philosopher, and political economist who profoundly influenced social theory, social research, and the discipline of sociology itself.
  
  Weber was a key proponent of methodological antipositivism, presenting sociology as a non-empiricist field which must study social action through interpretive means based upon understanding the meanings and purposes that individuals attach to their own actions. Weber is often cited, with Émile Durkheim and Karl Marx, as one of the three principal architects of modern social science.
  
  Weber's main intellectual concern was understanding the processes of rationalisation, secularization, and "disenchantment" that he associated with the rise of capitalism and modernity. Weber argued that the most important difference among societies is not how people produce things but how people think about the world. In Weber’s view, modern society was the product of a new way of thinking. Weber is perhaps best known for his thesis combining economic sociology and the sociology of religion, elaborated in his book The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Weber proposed that ascetic Protestantism was one of the major "elective affinities" associated with the rise of capitalism, bureaucracy and the rational-legal nation-state in the Western world. Against Marx's "historical materialism," Weber emphasised the importance of cultural influences embedded in religion as a means for understanding the genesis of capitalism. The Protestant Ethic formed the earliest part in Weber's broader investigations into world religion: he would go on to examine the religions of China, the religions of India and ancient Judaism, with particular regard to the apparent non-development of capitalism in the corresponding societies, as well as to their differing forms of social stratification.[a]
  
  In another major work, Politics as a Vocation, Weber defined the state as an entity which successfully claims a "monopoly on the legitimate use of violence". He was also the first to categorize social authority into distinct forms, which he labelled as charismatic, traditional, and rational-legal. His analysis of bureaucracy emphasised that modern state institutions are increasingly based on rational-legal authority. Weber also made a variety of other contributions in economic history, as well as economic theory and methodology. Weber's thought on modernity and rationalisation would come to facilitate critical theory of the Frankfurt school.
  
  After the First World War, Max Weber was among the founders of the liberal German Democratic Party. He also ran unsuccessfully for a seat in parliament and served as advisor to the committee that drafted the ill-fated democratic Weimar Constitution of 1919. After contracting the Spanish flu, he died of pneumonia in 1920, aged 56.
  
  Biography
   Early life and family backgroundWeber was born in 1864, in Erfurt, Thuringia. He was the eldest of the seven children of Max Weber Sr., a wealthy and prominent civil servant and member of the National Liberal Party, and his wife Helene (Fallenstein), who partly descended from French Huguenot immigrants and held strong moral absolutist ideas. Weber Sr.'s involvement in public life immersed his home in both politics and academia, as his salon welcomed many prominent scholars and public figures. The young Weber and his brother Alfred, who also became a sociologist and economist, thrived in this intellectual atmosphere. Weber's 1876 Christmas presents to his parents, when he was thirteen years old, were two historical essays entitled "About the course of German history, with special reference to the positions of the Emperor and the Pope," and "About the Roman Imperial period from Constantine to the migration of nations." In class, bored and unimpressed with the teachers – who in turn resented what they perceived as a disrespectful attitude – he secretly read all forty volumes of Goethe. Before entering the university, he would read many other classical works. Over time, Weber would also be significantly affected by the marital tension between his father, "a man who enjoyed earthly pleasures," and his mother, a devout Calvinist "who sought to lead an ascetic life."
  
  
  
  Max Weber and his brothers, Alfred and Karl, in 1879
   EducationIn 1882 Weber enrolled in the University of Heidelberg as a law student. After a year of military service he transferred to University of Berlin. After his first few years as a student, during which he spent much time "drinking beer and fencing," Weber would increasingly take his mother's side in family arguments and grew estranged from his father. Simultaneously with his studies, he worked as a junior barrister. In 1886 Weber passed the examination for Referendar, comparable to the bar association examination in the British and American legal systems. Throughout the late 1880s, Weber continued his study of law and history. He earned his law doctorate in 1889 by writing a dissertation on legal history entitled The History of Medieval Business Organisations; his advisor was Levin Goldschmidt, a respected authority in commercial law. Two years later, Weber completed his Habilitationsschrift, The Roman Agrarian History and its Significance for Public and Private Law, working with August Meitzen. Having thus become a Privatdozent, Weber joined the University of Berlin's faculty, lecturing and consulting for the government.
  
   Early workIn the years between the completion of his dissertation and habilitation, Weber took an interest in contemporary social policy. In 1888 he joined the Verein für Socialpolitik, a new professional association of German economists affiliated with the historical school, who saw the role of economics primarily as finding solutions to the social problems of the age and who pioneered large scale statistical studies of economic issues. He also involved himself in politics, joining the left-leaning Evangelical Social Congress. In 1890 the Verein established a research program to examine "the Polish question" or Ostflucht: the influx of Polish farm workers into eastern Germany as local labourers migrated to Germany's rapidly industrialising cities. Weber was put in charge of the study and wrote a large part of the final report, which generated considerable attention and controversy and marked the beginning of Weber's renown as a social scientist. From 1893 to 1899 Weber was a member of the Alldeutscher Verband (Pan-German League), an organisation that campaigned against the influx of the Polish workers; the degree of Weber's support for the Germanisation of Poles and similar nationalist policies is still debated by modern scholars.
  
  
  
  Max Weber and his wife Marianne in 1894Also in 1893 he married his distant cousin Marianne Schnitger, later a feminist activist and author in her own right, who was instrumental in collecting and publishing Weber's journal articles as books after his death and her biography of him is an important source for understanding Weber's life. They would have no children. The marriage granted long-awaited financial independence to Weber, allowing him to finally leave his parents' household. The couple moved to Freiburg in 1894, where Weber was appointed professor of economics at the university, before accepting the same position at the University of Heidelberg in 1896. There Weber became a central figure in the so-called "Weber Circle," composed of other intellectuals such as his wife Marianne, Georg Jellinek, Ernst Troeltsch, Werner Sombart, Marc Bloch, Robert Michels and György Lukács. Weber also remained active in Verein and the Evangelical Social Congress. His research in that period was focused on economics and legal history.
  
  In 1897 Max Weber Sr. died, two months after a severe quarrel with his son that was never resolved. After this, Weber became increasingly prone to depression, nervousness and insomnia, making it difficult for him to fulfill his duties as a professor. His condition forced him to reduce his teaching and leave unfinished his course in the fall of 1899. After spending months in a sanatorium during the summer and fall of 1900, Weber and his wife travelled to Italy at the end of the year and did not return to Heidelberg until April 1902. He would again withdraw from teaching in 1903 and not return to it till 1919.
  
   Later workAfter Weber's immense productivity in the early 1890s, he did not publish any papers between early 1898 and late 1902, finally resigning his professorship in late 1903. Freed from those obligations, in that year he accepted a position as associate editor of the Archives for Social Science and Social Welfare, where he worked with his colleagues Edgar Jaffé and Werner Sombart. His new interests would lie in more fundamental issues of social sciences; his works from this latter period are of primary interest to modern scholars. In 1904, Weber began to publish some of his most seminal papers in this journal, notably his essay The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, which became his most famous work and laid the foundations for his later research on the impact of cultures and religions on the development of economic systems. This essay was the only one of his works from that period that was published as a book during his lifetime. Some other of his works written in the first one and a half decades of the 20th century – published posthumously and dedicated primarily from the fields of sociology of religion, economic and legal sociology – are also recognised as among his most important intellectual contributions.
  
  Also in 1904, he visited the United States and participated in the Congress of Arts and Sciences held in connection with the World's Fair (Louisiana Purchase Exposition) in St. Louis. Despite his partial recovery, Weber felt that he was unable to resume regular teaching at that time and continued on as a private scholar, helped by an inheritance in 1907. In 1909, disappointed with the Verein, he co-founded the German Sociological Association (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Soziologie, or DGS) and served as its first treasurer. He would, however, resign from the DGS in 1912. In 1912, Weber tried to organise a left-wing political party to combine social-democrats and liberals. This attempt was unsuccessful, in part because many liberals feared social-democratic revolutionary ideals.
  
   Political involvements
  
  Max Weber (foreground) in 1917 with Ernst Toller (facing)At the outbreak of World War I, Weber, aged 50, volunteered for service and was appointed as a reserve officer and put in charge of organising the army hospitals in Heidelberg, a role he fulfilled until the end of 1915. Weber's views on the war and the expansion of the German empire changed during the course of the conflict. Early on he supported the nationalist rhetoric and the war effort, believing that the fight against the backward and despotic Russian Empire was justified and that a "liberal imperialism" along the lines of the British model would help Germany to develop a more mature political class. In time, however, Weber became one of the most prominent critics of German expansionism and of the Kaiser's war policies. He publicly attacked the Belgian annexation policy and unrestricted submarine warfare and later supported calls for constitutional reform, democratisation and universal suffrage.
  
  Weber joined the worker and soldier council of Heidelberg in 1918. He then served in the German delegation to the Paris Peace Conference and as advisor to the Confidential Committee for Constitutional Reform, which drafted the Weimar Constitution. Motivated by his understanding of the American model, he advocated a strong, popularly elected presidency as a constitutional counter-balance to the power of the professional bureaucracy. More controversially, he also defended the provisions for emergency presidential powers that became Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution. These provisions were later used by Adolf Hitler to subvert the rest of the constitution and institute rule by decree, allowing his regime to suppress opposition and gain dictatorial powers.
  
  Weber also ran, unsuccessfully, for a parliamentary seat, as a member of the liberal German Democratic Party, which he had co-founded. He opposed both the leftist German Revolution of 1918–1919 and the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles, a principled position that defied the political alignments in Germany at that time and which may have prevented Friedrich Ebert, the new social-democratic President of Germany, from appointing Weber as minister or ambassador. Weber commanded widespread respect but relatively little influence. Weber's role in German politics remains controversial to this day.
  
   Last years
  
  Weber's grave in HeidelbergFrustrated with politics, Weber resumed teaching during this time, first at the University of Vienna, then, after 1919, at the University of Munich. His lectures from that period were collected into major works, such as the General Economic History, Science as a Vocation and Politics as a Vocation. In Munich, he headed the first German university institute of sociology, but never held a professorial position in sociology. Many colleagues and students in Munich attacked his response to the German Revolution and some right-wing students held protests in front of his home. Max Weber contracted the Spanish flu and died of pneumonia in Munich on 14 June 1920. At the time of his death, Weber had not finished writing his magnum opus on sociological theory: Economy and Society. His widow Marianne helped prepare it for its publication in 1921–22.
  
   Weber's thought
   InspirationsWeber's thinking was strongly influenced by German idealism and particularly by neo-Kantianism, to which he had been exposed through Heinrich Rickert, his professorial colleague at the University of Freiburg. Especially important to Weber's work is the neo-Kantian belief that reality is essentially chaotic and incomprehensible, with all rational order deriving from the way in which the human mind focuses its attention on certain aspects of reality and organises the resulting perceptions. Weber's opinions regarding the methodology of the social sciences show parallels with the work of contemporary neo-Kantian philosopher and pioneering sociologist Georg Simmel.
  
  Weber was also influenced by Kantian ethics, which he nonetheless came to think of as obsolete in a modern age lacking in religious certainties. In this last respect, the influence of Friedrich Nietzsche's philosophy is evident. According to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, the "deep tension between the Kantian moral imperatives and a Nietzschean diagnosis of the modern cultural world is apparently what gives such a darkly tragic and agnostic shade to Weber's ethical worldview." Though the influence of his mother's Calvinist religiosity is evident throughout Weber's life and work, and though he maintained a deep, life-long interest in the study of religions, Weber was open about the fact that he was personally irreligious.
  
  As a political economist and economic historian, Weber belonged to the "youngest" German historical school of economics, represented by academics such as Gustav von Schmoller and his student Werner Sombart. But, even though Weber's research interests were very much in line with that school, his views on methodology and the theory of value diverged significantly from those of other German historicists and were closer, in fact, to those of Carl Menger and the Austrian School, the traditional rivals of the historical school. (See section on Economics.)
  
   MethodologyUnlike some other classical figures (Comte, Durkheim) Weber did not attempt, consciously, to create any specific set of rules governing social sciences in general, or sociology in particular. Compared to Durkheim and Marx, Weber was more focused on individuals and culture and this is clear in his methodology. Whereas Durkheim focused on the society, Weber concentrated on the individuals and their actions (see structure and action discussion) and whereas Marx argued for the primacy of the material world over the world of ideas, Weber valued ideas as motivating actions of individuals, at least in the big picture.
  
  Sociology, for Max Weber, is:
  
  ...a science which attempts the interpretive understanding of social action in order thereby to arrive at a causal explanation of its course and effects.
  
  —Max Weber
  
  Weber was concerned with the question of objectivity and subjectivity. Weber distinguished social action from social behaviour, noting that social action must be understood through how individuals subjectively relate to one another. Study of social action through interpretive means (Verstehen) must be based upon understanding the subjective meaning and purpose that the individual attaches to their actions. Social actions may have easily identifiable and objective means, but much more subjective ends and the understanding of those ends by a scientists is subject to yet another layer of subjective understanding (that of the scientist). Weber noted that the importance of subjectivity in social sciences makes creation of fool-proof, universal laws much more difficult than in natural sciences and that the amount of objective knowledge that social sciences may achieve is precariously limited. Overall, Weber supported the goal of objective science, but he noted that it is an unreachable goal – although one definitely worth striving for.
  
  There is no absolutely "objective" scientific analysis of culture... All knowledge of cultural reality... is always knowledge from particular points of view.... an "objective" analysis of cultural events, which proceeds according to the thesis that the ideal of science is the reduction of empirical reality to "laws," is meaningless... [because]... the knowledge of social laws is not knowledge of social reality but is rather one of the various aids used by our minds for attaining this end.
  
  —Max Weber, "Objectivity" in Social Science, 1897
  
  The principle of "methodological individualism," which holds that social scientists should seek to understand collectivities (such as nations, cultures, governments, churches, corporations, etc.) solely as the result and the context of the actions of individual persons, can be traced to Weber, particularly to the first chapter of Economy and Society, in which he argues that only individuals "can be treated as agents in a course of subjectively understandable action." In other words, Weber argued that social phenomena can be understood scientifically only to the extent that they are captured by models of the behaviour of purposeful individuals, models which Weber called "ideal types," from which actual historical events will necessarily deviate due to accidental and irrational factors. The analytical constructs of an ideal type never exist in reality, but provide objective benchmarks against which real-life constructs can be measured.
  
  We know of no scientifically ascertainable ideals. To be sure, that makes our efforts more arduous than in the past, since we are expected to create our ideals from within our breast in the very age of subjectivist culture.
  
  —Max Weber, 1909
  
  Weber's methodology was developed in the context of a wider debate about methodology of social sciences, the Methodenstreit. Weber's position was close to historicism, as he understood social actions as being heavily tied to particular historical contexts and its analysis required the understanding of subjective motivations of individuals (social actors). Thus Weber's methodology emphasises the use of comparative historical analysis. Therefore, Weber was more interested in explaining how a certain outcome was the result of various historical processes rather than predicting an outcome of those processes in the future.
  
   RationalisationMany scholars have described rationalisation and the question of individual freedom in an increasingly rational society, as the main theme of Weber's work. This theme was situated in the larger context of the relationship between psychological motivations, cultural values and beliefs (primarily, religion) and the structure of the society (usually determined by the economy).
  
  By rationalisation, Weber understood first, the individual cost-benefit calculation, second, the wider, bureaucratic organisation of the organisations and finally, in the more general sense as the opposite of understanding the reality through mystery and magic (disenchantment).
  
  The fate of our times is characterised by rationalisation and intellectualisation and, above all, by the "disenchantment of the world"
  
  —Max Weber
  
  Weber began his studies of the subject in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, in which he argued that the redefinition of the connection between work and piety in Protestantism and especially in ascetic Protestant denominations, particularly Calvinism, shifted human effort towards rational efforts aimed at achieving economic gain. In Protestant religion, Christian piety towards God was expressed through one's secular vocation (secularisation of calling). The rational roots of this doctrine, he argued, soon grew incompatible with and larger than the religious and so the latter were eventually discarded.
  
  Weber continued his investigation into this matter in later works, notably in his studies on bureaucracy and on the classification of legitimate authority into three types – Rational-legal, traditional and charismatic – of which the legitimate (or rational) is the dominant one in the modern world. In these works Weber described what he saw as society's movement towards rationalisation. Similarly, rationalisation could be seen in the economy, with the development of highly rational and calculating capitalism. Weber also saw rationalisation as one of the main factors setting the European West apart from the rest of the world. Rationalisation relied on deep changes in ethics, religion, psychology and culture; changes that first took place in the Western civilisation.
  
  What Weber depicted was not only the secularisation of Western culture, but also and especially the development of modern societies from the viewpoint of rationalisation. The new structures of society were marked by the differentiation of the two functionally intermeshing systems that had taken shape around the organisational cores of the capitalist enterprise and the bureaucratic state apparatus. Weber understood this process as the institutionalisation of purposive-rational economic and administrative action. To the degree that everyday life was affected by this cultural and societal rationalisation, traditional forms of life – which in the early modern period were differentiated primarily according to one's trade – were dissolved.
  
  —Jürgen Habermas, Modernity's Consciousness of Time, 1985,
  
  Features of rationalisation include increasing knowledge, growing impersonality and enhanced control of social and material life. Weber was ambivalent towards rationalisation; while admitting it was responsible for many advances, in particular, freeing humans from traditional, restrictive and illogical social guidelines, he also criticised it for dehumanising individuals as "cogs in the machine" and curtailing their freedom, trapping them in the bureaucratic iron cage of rationality and bureaucracy. Related to rationalisation is the process of disenchantment, in which the world is becoming more explained and less mystical, moving from polytheistic religions to monotheistic ones and finally to the Godless science of modernity. Those processes affect all of society, removing "sublime values... from public life" and making art less creative.
  
  In a dystopian critique of rationalisation, Weber notes that modern society is a product of an individualistic drive of the Reformation, yet at the same time, the society created in this process is less and less welcoming of individualism.
  
  How is it at all possible to salvage any remnants of 'individual' freedom of movement in any sense given this all-powerful trend?
  
  —Max Weber
  
   Sociology of religionWeber's work in the field of sociology of religion started with the essay The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism and continued with the analysis of The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism, The Religion of India: The Sociology of Hinduism and Buddhism and Ancient Judaism. His work on other religions was interrupted by his sudden death in 1920, which prevented him from following Ancient Judaism with studies of early Christianity and Islam. His three main themes in the essays were the effect of religious ideas on economic activities, the relation between social stratification and religious ideas and the distinguishable characteristics of Western civilization.
  
  Weber saw religion as one of the core forces in the society. His goal was to find reasons for the different development paths of the cultures of the Occident and the Orient, although without judging or valuing them, like some of the contemporary thinkers who followed the social Darwinist paradigm; Weber wanted primarily to explain the distinctive elements of the Western civilisation. In the analysis of his findings, Weber maintained that Calvinist (and more widely, Protestant) religious ideas had had a major impact on the social innovation and development of the economic system of the West, but noted that they were not the only factors in this development. Other notable factors mentioned by Weber included the rationalism of scientific pursuit, merging observation with mathematics, science of scholarship and jurisprudence, rational systematisation and bureaucratisation of government administration and economic enterprise. In the end, the study of the sociology of religion, according to Weber, focused on one distinguishing part of the Western culture, the decline of beliefs in magic, or what he referred to as "disenchantment of the world".
  
  Weber also proposed a socioevolutionary model of religious change, showing that in general, societies have moved from magic to polytheism, then to pantheism, monotheism and finally, ethical monotheism. According to Weber, this evolution occurred as the growing economic stability allowed professionalisation and the evolution of ever more sophisticated priesthood. As societies grew more complex and encompassed different groups, a hierarchy of gods developed and as power in the society became more centralised, the concept of a single, universal God became more popular and desirable.
  
   The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of CapitalismMain article: The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
  
  
  
  Cover of the original German edition of The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of CapitalismWeber's essay The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism is his most famous work. It is argued that this work should not be viewed as a detailed study of Protestantism, but rather as an introduction into Weber's later works, especially his studies of interaction between various religious ideas and economic behaviour as part of the rationalisation of the economic system. In The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber put forward the thesis that Calvinist ethic and ideas influenced the development of capitalism. He noted the post-Reformation shift of Europe's economic centre away from Catholic countries such as France, Spain and Italy, and toward Protestant countries such as the Netherlands, England, Scotland and Germany. Weber also noted that societies having more Protestants were those with a more highly developed capitalist economy. Similarly, in societies with different religions, most successful business leaders were Protestant. Weber thus argued that Roman Catholicism impeded the development of the capitalist economy in the West, as did other religions such as Confucianism and Buddhism elsewhere in the world.
  
  The development of the concept of the calling quickly gave to the modern entrepreneur a fabulously clear conscience – and also industrious workers; he gave to his employees as the wages of their ascetic devotion to the calling and of co-operation in his ruthless exploitation of them through capitalism the prospect of eternal salvation.
  
  —Max Weber
  
  Christian religious devotion had historically been accompanied by rejection of mundane affairs, including economic pursuit. Weber showed that certain types of Protestantism – notably Calvinism – were supportive of rational pursuit of economic gain and worldly activities dedicated to it, seeing them as endowed with moral and spiritual significance. Weber argued that there were many reasons to look for the origins of modern capitalism in the religious ideas of the Reformation. In particular, the Protestant ethic (or more specifically, Calvinist ethic) motivated the believers to work hard, be successful in business and reinvest their profits in further development rather than frivolous pleasures. The notion of calling meant that each individual had to take action in order to be saved; just being a member of the Church was not enough. Predestination also reduced antagonising over economic inequality and further, it meant that a material wealth could be taken as a sign of salvation in the afterlife. The believers thus justified pursuit of profit with religion, as instead of being fuelled by morally suspect greed or ambition, their actions were motivated by a highly moral and respected philosophy. This Weber called the "spirit of capitalism": it was the Protestant religious ideology that was behind – and inevitably lead to – the capitalist economic system. This theory is often viewed as a reversal of Marx's thesis that the economic "base" of society determines all other aspects of it.
  
  Weber abandoned research into Protestantism because his colleague Ernst Troeltsch, a professional theologian, had begun work on the book The Social Teachings of the Christian Churches and Sects. Another reason for Weber's decision was that Troeltsch's work already achieved what he desired in that area: laying the groundwork for a comparative analysis of religion and society.
  
  The phrase "work ethic" used in modern commentary is a derivative of the "Protestant ethic" discussed by Weber. It was adopted when the idea of the Protestant ethic was generalised to apply to the Japanese people, Jews and other non-Christians and thus lost its religious connotations.
  
   The Religion of China: Confucianism and TaoismMain article: The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism
  
  The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism was Weber's second major work on the sociology of religion. Weber focused on those aspects of Chinese society that were different from those of Western Europe, especially those aspects which contrasted with Puritanism. His work also questioned why capitalism did not develop in China. He focused on the issues of Chinese urban development, Chinese patrimonialism and officialdom and Chinese religion and philosophy (primarily, Confucianism and Taoism), as the areas in which Chinese development differed most distinctively from the European route.
  
  According to Weber, Confucianism and Puritanism are mutually exclusive types of rational thought, each attempting to prescribe a way of life based on religious dogma. Notably, they both valued self control and restraint and did not oppose accumulation of wealth. However, to both those qualities were just means to the final goal and here they were divided by a key difference. Confucianism's goal was "a cultured status position", while Puritanism's goal was to create individuals who are "tools of God". The intensity of belief and enthusiasm for action were rare in Confucianism, but common in Protestantism. Actively working for wealth was unbecoming a proper Confucian. Therefore, Weber states that it was this difference in social attitudes and mentality, shaped by the respective, dominant religions, that contributed to the development of capitalism in the West and the absence of it in China.
  
   The Religion of India: The Sociology of Hinduism and BuddhismMain article: The Religion of India: The Sociology of Hinduism and Buddhism
  
  The Religion of India: The Sociology of Hinduism and Buddhism was Weber's third major work on the sociology of religion. In this work he deals with the structure of Indian society, with the orthodox doctrines of Hinduism and the heterodox doctrines of Buddhism, with modifications brought by the influence of popular religiosity and finally with the impact of religious beliefs on the secular ethic of Indian society. Like Confucianism in China, for Weber, Hinduism in India was a barrier for capitalism. The Indian caste system made it very difficult for individuals to advance in the society beyond their caste. Activity, including economic activity, was seen as unimportant in the context of the advancement of the soul.
  
  Weber ended his research of society and religion in India by bringing in insights from his previous work on China to discuss similarities of the Asian belief systems. He notes that the beliefs saw the meaning of life as otherworldly mystical experience. The social world is fundamentally divided between the educated elite, following the guidance of a prophet or wise man and the uneducated masses whose beliefs are centered on magic. In Asia, there was no Messianic prophecy to give plan and meaning to the everyday life of educated and uneducated alike. Weber juxtaposed such Messianic prophecies (also called ethical prophecies), notably from the Near East region to the exemplary prophecies found on the Asiatic mainland, focused more on reaching to the educated elites and enlightening them on the proper ways to live one's life, usually with little emphasis on hard work and the material world. It was those differences that prevented the countries of the Occident from following the paths of the earlier Chinese and Indian civilizations. His next work, Ancient Judaism was an attempt to prove this theory.
  
   Ancient JudaismMain article: Ancient Judaism (book)
  
  In Ancient Judaism, his fourth major work on the sociology of religion, Weber attempted to explain the factors which resulted in the early differences between Oriental and Occidental religiosity. He contrasted the innerworldly asceticism developed by Western Christianity with mystical contemplation of the kind developed in India. Weber noted that some aspects of Christianity sought to conquer and change the world, rather than withdraw from its imperfections. This fundamental characteristic of Christianity (when compared to Far Eastern religions) stems originally from ancient Jewish prophecy.
  
  Weber noted that Judaism not only fathered Christianity and Islam, but was crucial to the rise of the modern Occidental state; Judaism's influence was as important as Hellenistic and Roman cultures.
  
  Weber's premature death in 1920 prevented him from following his planned analysis of Psalms, the Book of Job, Talmudic Jewry, early Christianity and Islam.
  
   Economy and SocietyMain article: Economy and Society
  
  In his magnum opus, Economy and Society, Weber distinguished three ideal types of religious attitudes: world-flying mysticism, world-rejecting asceticism, and inner-worldly asceticism. He defined magic as a pre-religious activity.
  
   Politics and governmentIn political sociology, one of Weber's most significant contributions is his Politics as a Vocation essay. Therein, Weber unveils the definition of the state as that entity which possesses a delegatable monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force. Weber wrote that politics is the sharing of state's power between various groups, and political leaders are those who wield this power. A politician must not be a man of the "true Christian ethic", understood by Weber as being the ethic of the Sermon on the Mount, that is to say, the injunction to turn the other cheek. An adherent of such an ethic ought rather to be understood to be a saint, for it is only saints, according to Weber, that can appropriately follow it. The political realm is no realm for saints; a politician ought to marry the ethic of ultimate ends and the ethic of responsibility and must possess both a passion for his vocation and the capacity to distance himself from the subject of his exertions (the governed).
  
  Weber distinguished three ideal types of political leadership (alternatively referred to as three types of domination, legitimisation or authority):
  
  1.charismatic domination (familial and religious),
  
  2.traditional domination (patriarchs, patrimonialism, feudalism) and
  
  3.legal domination (modern law and state, bureaucracy).
  
  In his view, every historical relation between rulers and ruled contained such elements and they can be analysed on the basis of this tripartite distinction. He notes that the instability of charismatic authority forces it to "routinise" into a more structured form of authority. In a pure type of traditional rule, sufficient resistance to a ruler can lead to a "traditional revolution". The move towards a rational-legal structure of authority, utilising a bureaucratic structure, is inevitable in the end. Thus this theory can be sometimes viewed as part of the social evolutionism theory. This ties to his broader concept of rationalisation by suggesting the inevitability of a move in this direction.
  
  Bureaucratic administration means fundamentally domination through knowledge.
  
  —Max Weber
  
  Weber described many ideal types of public administration and government in his masterpiece Economy and Society (1922). His critical study of the bureaucratisation of society became one of the most enduring parts of his work. It was Weber who began the studies of bureaucracy and whose works led to the popularisation of this term. Many aspects of modern public administration go back to him and a classic, hierarchically organised civil service of the Continental type is called "Weberian civil service". As the most efficient and rational way of organising, bureaucratisation for Weber was the key part of the rational-legal authority and furthermore, he saw it as the key process in the ongoing rationalisation of the Western society.
  
  Weber listed several preconditions for the emergence of the bureaucracy: The growth in space and population being administered, the growth in complexity of the administrative tasks being carried out and the existence of a monetary economy – these resulted in a need for a more efficient administrative system. Development of communication and transportation technologies made more efficient administration possible (and popularly requested) and democratisation and rationalisation of culture resulted in demands that the new system treat everybody equally.
  
  Weber's ideal bureaucracy is characterised by hierarchical organisation, by delineated lines of authority in a fixed area of activity, by action taken (and recorded) on the basis of written rules, by bureaucratic officials needing expert training, by rules being implemented neutrally and by career advancement depending on technical qualifications judged by organisations, not by individuals.
  
  The decisive reason for the advance of the bureaucratic organisation has always been its purely technical superiority over any other form of organisation.
  
  —Max Weber
  
  While recognising bureaucracy as the most efficient form of organisation and even indispensable for the modern state, Weber also saw it as a threat to individual freedoms and the ongoing bureaucratisation as leading to a "polar night of icy darkness", in which increasing rationalisation of human life traps individuals in the aforementioned "iron cage" of bureaucratic, rule-based, rational control. In order to counteract bureaucrats, the system needs entrepreneurs and politicians.
  
   Social stratificationWeber also formulated a three-component theory of stratification, with Social class, Social status and Political party as conceptually distinct elements.
  
  Social class is based on economically determined relationship to the market (owner, renter, employee etc.).
  
  Status class is based on non-economical qualities like honour, prestige and religion.
  
  Party class refers to affiliations in the political domain.
  
  All three dimensions have consequences for what Weber called "life chances" (opportunities to improve one's life).
  
   The cityAs part of his overarching effort to understand the unique development of the Western world, Weber produced a detailed general study of the city as the characteristic locus of the social and economic relations, political arrangements, and ideas that eventually came to define the West. This resulted in a monograph titled The City, which was probably compiled from research conducted in 1911-1913, and which was published posthumously in 1921. In 1924 it was incorporated into the second part of his Economy and Society, as chapter XVI, "The City (Non-legitimate Domination)".
  
  According to Weber, the city as a politically autonomous organization of people living in close proximity, employed in a variety of specialized trades, and physically separated from the surrounding countryside, only fully developed in the West and to a great extent shaped its cultural evolution:
  
  The origin of a rational and inner-worldly ethic is associated in the Occident with the appearance of thinkers and prophets [...] who developed in a social context which was alien to the Asiatic cultures. This context consisted of the political problems engendered by the bourgeois status-group of the city, without which neither Judaism, nor Christianity, nor the development of Hellenistic thinking are conceivable.
  
  — Max Weber
  
  Weber argued that Judaism, early Christianity, theology, and later the political party and modern science, were only possible in the urban context that reached a full development the West alone. He also saw in the history of medieval European cities the rise of a unique form of "non-legitimate domination" that successfully challenged the existing forms of legitimate domination (traditional, charismatic, and rational-legal) that had prevailed until then in the Medieval world. This new domination was based on the great economic and military power wielded by the organized community of city-dwellers ("citizens").
  
   EconomicsWeber regarded himself primarily as a "political economist," and all of his professorial appointments were in economics, though today his contributions in that field are largely overshadowed by his role as a founder of modern sociology. As an economist, Weber belonged to the "youngest" German historical school of economics. The great differences between that school's interests and methods on the one hand and those of the neoclassical school (from which modern mainstream economics largely derives) on the other, explain why Weber's influence on economics today is hard to discern.
  
   Methodological individualismThough his research interests were always in line with those of the German historicists, with a strong emphasis on interpreting economic history, Weber's defence of "methodological individualism" in the social sciences represented an important break with that school and an embracing of many of the arguments that had been made against the historicists by Carl Menger, the founder of the Austrian School of economics, in the context of the academic Methodenstreit ("debate over methods") of the late 19th century. The phrase "methodological individualism," which has come into common usage in modern debates about the connection between microeconomics and macroeconomics, was coined by the Austrian-American economist Joseph Schumpeter in 1908 as a way of referring to the views of Weber. According to Weber's theses, social research cannot be fully inductive or descriptive, because understanding some phenomenon implies that the researcher must go beyond mere description and interpret it; interpretation requires classification according to abstract "ideal (pure) types". This, together with his antipositivistic argumentation (see Verstehen), can be taken as a methodological justification for the model of the "rational economic man" (homo economicus), which is at the heart of modern mainstream economics.
  
   Marginalism and psychophysicsUnlike other historicists, Weber also accepted the marginal theory of value (also called "marginalism") and taught it to his students. In 1908, Weber published an article in which he drew a sharp methodological distinction between psychology and economics and attacked the claims that the marginal theory of value in economics reflected the form of the psychological response to stimuli as described by the Weber-Fechner law. Max Weber's article has been cited as a definitive refutation of the dependence of the economic theory of value on the laws of psychophysics by Lionel Robbins, George Stigler, and Friedrich Hayek, though the broader issue of the relation between economics and psychology has come back into the academic debate with the development of "behavioral economics."
  
   Economic historyWeber's best known work in economics concerned the preconditions for capitalist development, particularly the relations between religion and capitalism, which he explored in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism as well as in his other works on the sociology of religion. He argued that bureaucratic political and economic systems emerging in the Middle Ages were essential in the rise of modern capitalism (including rational book-keeping and organization of formally free labour), while they were a hindrance in the case of ancient capitalism, which had a different social and political structure based on conquest, slavery, and the coastal city-state. Other contributions include his early work on the economic history of Roman agrarian society (1891) and on the labour relations in Eastern Germany (1892), his analysis of the history of commercial partnerships in the Middle Ages (1889), his critique of Marxism, the discussion of the roles of idealism and materialism in the history of capitalism in his Economy and Society (1922) and his General Economic History (1923), a notable example of the kind of empirical work associated with the German Historical School.
  
  Though today read primarily by sociologists and social philosophers, Weber's work did have a significant influence on Frank Knight, one of the founders of the neoclassical Chicago school of economics, who translated Weber's General Economic History into English in 1927. Knight also wrote in 1956 that Max Weber was the only economist who dealt with the problem of understanding the emergence of modern capitalism "from the angle which alone can yield an answer to such questions, that is, the angle of comparative history in the broad sense."
  
   Economic calculationWeber, like his colleague Werner Sombart, regarded economic calculation and especially the double-entry bookkeeping method of business accounting, as one of the most important forms of rationalisation associated the development of modern capitalism. Weber's preoccupation with the importance of economic calculation led him to develop a critique of socialism as a system that lacked a mechanism for allocating resources efficiently in order to satisfy human needs. Socialist intellectuals like Otto Neurath had realised that in a completely socialised economy, prices would not exist and central planners would have to resort to in-kind (rather than monetary) economic calculation. According to Weber, this type of coordination would be inefficient, especially because it would be incapable of solving the problem of imputation (i.e. of accurately determining the relative values of capital goods). Weber wrote that, under full socialism,
  
  In order to make possible a rational utilisation of the means of production, a system of in-kind accounting would have to determine "value" – indicators of some kind for the individual capital goods which could take over the role of the "prices" used in book valuation in modern business accounting. But it is not at all clear how such indicators could be established and in particular, verified; whether, for instance, they should vary from one production unit to the next (on the basis of economic location), or whether they should be uniform for the entire economy, on the basis of "social utility," that is, of (present and future) consumption requirements [...] Nothing is gained by assuming that, if only the problem of a non-monetary economy were seriously enough attacked, a suitable accounting method would be discovered or invented. The problem is fundamental to any kind of complete socialisation. We cannot speak of a rational "planned economy" so long as in this decisive respect we have no instrument for elaborating a rational "plan."
  
  —Max Weber
  
  This argument against socialism was made independently, at about the same time, by Ludwig von Mises. Weber himself had a significant influence on Mises, whom he had befriended when they were both at the University of Vienna in the spring of 1918, and, through Mises, on several other economists associated with the Austrian School in the 20th century. Friedrich Hayek in particular elaborated the arguments of Weber and Mises about economic calculation into a central part of free market economics's intellectual assault on socialism, as well as into a model for the spontaneous coordination of "dispersed knowledge" in markets.
  
   LegacyThe prestige of Max Weber among European social scientists would be difficult to over-estimate. He is widely considered the greatest of German sociologists and... has become a leading influence in European and American thought.
  
  — Hans Heinrich Gerth and Charles Wright Mills, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, 1991
  
  Weber's most influential work was on economic sociology, political sociology, and the sociology of religion. Along with Karl Marx and Émile Durkheim, he is commonly regarded as one of the founders of modern sociology. But whereas Durkheim, following Comte, worked in the positivist tradition, Weber was instrumental in developing an antipositivist, hermeneutic, tradition in the social sciences. In this regard he belongs to a similar tradition as his German colleagues Werner Sombart, Georg Simmel, and Wilhelm Dilthey, who stressed the differences between the methodologies appropriate to the social and the natural sciences.
  
  Weber presented sociology as the science of human social action; action which he separated into traditional, affectional, value-rational and instrumental.
  
  [Sociology is] the science whose object is to interpret the meaning of social action and thereby give a causal explanation of the way in which the action proceeds and the effects which it produces. By "action" in this definition is meant the human behaviour when and to the extent that the agent or agents see it as subjectively meaningful [...] the meaning to which we refer may be either (a) the meaning actually intended either by an individual agent on a particular historical occasion or by a number of agents on an approximate average in a given set of cases, or (b) the meaning attributed to the agent or agents, as types, in a pure type constructed in the abstract. In neither case is the "meaning" to be thought of as somehow objectively "correct" or "true" by some metaphysical criterion. This is the difference between the empirical sciences of action, such as sociology and history and any kind of a priori discipline, such as jurisprudence, logic, ethics, or aesthetics whose aim is to extract from their subject-matter "correct" or "valid" meaning.
  
  —Max Weber, The Nature of Social Action, 1922,
  
  In his own time, however, Weber was viewed primarily as a historian and an economist. The breadth of Weber's topical interests is apparent in the depth of his social theory:
  
  The affinity between capitalism and Protestantism, the religious origins of the Western world, the force of charisma in religion as well as in politics, the all-embracing process of rationalisation and the bureaucratic price of progress, the role of legitimacy and of violence as the offspring of leadership, the 'disenchantment' of the modern world together with the never-ending power of religion, the antagonistic relation between intellectualism and eroticism: all these are key concepts which attest to the enduring fascination of Weber's thinking.
  
  — Joachim Radkau, Max Weber: A Biography, 2005
  
  Many of Weber's works famous today were collected, revised and published posthumously. Significant interpretations of his writings were produced by such sociological luminaries as Talcott Parsons and C. Wright Mills. Parsons in particular imparted to Weber's works a functionalist, teleological perspective; this personal interpretation has been criticised for a latent conservatism.
  
  Weber has influenced many later social theorists, such as Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer, György Lukács and Jürgen Habermas. Different elements of his thought were emphasized by Carl Schmitt, Joseph Schumpeter, Leo Strauss, Hans Morgenthau, and Raymond Aron. According to Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises, who had met Weber during his time at the University of Vienna,
  
  The early death of this genius was a great disaster for Germany. Had Weber lived longer, the German people of today would be able to look to this example of an "Aryan" who would not be broken by National Socialism.
  
  —Ludwig von Mises, 1940
  
  Weber's friend, the psychiatrist and existentialist philosopher Karl Jaspers, described him "the greatest German of our era" and his untimely death felt to Jaspers "as if the German world had lost its heart."
  
   Critical responses to WeberWeber's explanations are highly specific to the historical periods he analysed. This makes it more difficult to generalise from his analysis and modify his theories for other circumstances.
  
  Many scholars, however, have disagreed with specific claims Weber makes in his historical analysis. For example, the economist Joseph Schumpeter argued that capitalism did not begin with the Industrial Revolution but in 14th century Italy. In Milan, Venice and Florence the small city-state governments led to the development of the earliest forms of capitalism. In the 16th century Antwerp was a commercial centre of Europe. Also, the predominantly Calvinist country of Scotland did not enjoy the same economic growth as the Netherlands, England and New England. It has been pointed out that the Netherlands, which had a Calvinist majority, industrialised much later in the 19th century than predominantly Catholic Belgium, which was one of the centres of the Industrial Revolution on the European mainland. Emil Kauder expanded Schumpeter's argument by arguing the hypothesis that Calvinism hurt the development of capitalism by leading to the development of the labour theory of value.
    

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