| 姓： | 陈 | ||
| 名： | 庆同 | ||
| 字： | 仲甫 | ||
| 籍贯： | 安徽省怀宁县 | ||
阅读陈独秀 Chen Duxiu在百家争鸣的作品!!! | |||
早年1879年10月9日（清光绪五年己卯八月二十四日乙丑），陈独秀出生于安徽省安庆府城内（属于怀宁县）。他2岁时父亲陈衍中因瘟疫死于苏州怀宁会馆，先后由祖父陈章旭以及长兄陈庆元抚养成人，在家中学习《四书》、《五经》。1896年，17岁的陈独秀通过院试成为秀才，但在次年赴南京江南贡院参加乡试落榜，未能考中举人。1897年，考入杭州求是书院（浙江大学前身），学习法文和造船。同年与高晓岚完婚。
1898年，陈独秀赴东北嗣父陈昔凡处，1899年年底，义和团在山东起事，于是陈独秀回到安庆。
留学与办报
《青年杂志》第一期
《新青年》
五四运动中，国立北京大学的游行队伍1901年10月，陈独秀首次留学日本，进东京弘文学院师范科学日语。1902年3月返回，组织青年励志社。9月，陈独秀再次赴日，读东京成城学校陆军科。陈独秀在日本受到西方社会主义思想的影响。1903年3月31日夜，陈独秀、张继、邹容3人强行剪去湖北陆军学生监督姚昱的辫子，因而被遣送回国。
陈独秀回到安庆后，1903年5月17日在藏书楼发表拒俄演说，创办安徽爱国会。当公家开始镇压时，陈独秀逃往上海，和章士钊、谢晓石、张继等人出版《国民日日报》，社址设在新闸新马路梅初里。同年12月1日，上海地方政府禁止出售国民日日报。此后，他回到安庆。
1904年3月31日，陈独秀和房秩五、吴守一创办白话文《安徽俗话报》，“让安徽人通达时事，长点见识”。他担任所有编辑和发行工作。报纸在不到半年的时间内发行量从1000份增加到3000份，成为最受欢迎的白话文报纸之一。这份报纸从1904年到1905年共出刊23期，每期有40页，大约15000字。自第16版以后，该报又增加了16个话题，包括军事、中国哲学、卫生学、天文学等。这些增加的话题几乎都是他自己所写，他使用三爱这个笔名，至少发表了50篇文章。后来由于受到政治压力而停刊。
1905年秋，执教芜湖皖江中学，在芜湖发起成立反清组织“岳王会”并任总会会长。1907年春，陈独秀第三次留学日本，入东京正则英语学校学习，后入早稻田大学学习法国等西欧文化。
1908年陈独秀从日本回国，在杭州浙江陆军小学任国文史地教习。1911年，辛亥革命爆发，陈独秀应邀回乡任安徽都督府秘书长和安徽高等学堂教务主任。
1913年，陈独秀追随柏文蔚参加反袁项城“二次革命”，在芜湖一度遭龚振鹏逮捕，后获释。
1914年春，反袁运动失败后，陈独秀再度赴日本，协助章士钊办《甲寅》杂志。第一次使用笔名“独秀”发表文章《爱国心与自觉心》一文，开宗明义提出“人民何故必建设国家？其目的在保障权利，共谋幸福，斯成立国家之精神。”文中指出，要有爱国心也要有自觉心，“恶国家甚于无国家”，如果是一个人民在其中没有权利，无幸福可言的国家，“瓜分之局，何法可逃，亡国之奴，何事可怖”，引起舆论哗然，不少人指责其不爱国。
1915年夏，陈独秀回到上海，住法租界嵩山路吉谊里21号。9月15日创办月刊青年杂志（由群益书社发行），次年更名为《新青年》（副题La Jeunesse），自任总编辑。（1926年停刊）陈独秀在这份杂志的创刊号上发表《敬告青年》，提出6个原则：
1.自主的而非奴隶的
2.进步的而非保守的
3.进取的而非退隐的
4.世界的而非锁国的
5.实利的而非虚文的
6.科学的而非想像的
宣传倡导“德先生”（指“民主”Democracy）和“赛先生”（指“科学”Science），批判儒教和传统道德，“打倒孔家店”，因而成为新文化运动的中心，在青年人中影响很大。
陈独秀在1917年二月号的《新青年》杂志2卷6号发表《文学革命论》，认为中国社会黑暗的根源是“盘踞吾人精神界根深底固之伦理、道德、文学、艺术诸端”，单独的政治革命不能生效，“充分以鲜血洗净旧污”，需要先进行伦理道德革命，于是提出“三大主义”：“推倒雕琢的阿谀的贵族文学，建设平易的抒情的国民文学；推倒陈腐的铺张的古典文学，建设新鲜的立诚的写实文学；推倒迂晦的艰涩的山林文学，建设明了的通俗的社会文学。”主张改文言文为白话文，文章内容也要趋向实际。
1917年1月，蔡元培就任北京大学校长，聘任为北京大学文科学长并教授文学。得到北京大学校长的批准，他收集李大钊、胡适、鲁迅和钱沅的作品。为了扩大编辑部，他将《新青年》迁到北京。
1918年11月27日，陈独秀和李大钊合办《每周评论》杂志。1919年3月26日夜，蔡元培、汤尔和、马叙伦、沈尹默等在汤寓集会讨论因媒体大加渲染的陈独秀嫖娼案而引发的风波。1919年3月26日的夜晚，北京的汤尔和家灯火通明，北大校长蔡元培和另两位北大教员沈尹默和马叙伦正在这里讨论北大文科学长陈独秀的去留问题。汤尔和不是北大员工，但当时他是左右北京学界的重要人物，甚至蔡元培执掌北大也有可能与他有关，所以参与了这场讨论。同样，沈尹默和马叙伦没有在北大担任要职，却与汤尔和私交甚笃，也具有一定的发言权。这四个浙江人之所以凑在一起召开这个临时会议，是因为北京有报纸刊登了陈独秀因争风抓伤某妓女下部的消息。人们几乎都知道陈独秀是“新青年”的领军人物，却很少知道他经常出入于当时的“红灯区”八大胡同。而蔡元培恰恰是一个注重道德教育的学者，陈独秀曾加入他发起组织的“进德会”，成为甲种会员并以152票当选为评议员。按照规则，甲种会员必须遵守“不嫖、不赌、不娶妾”的要求。现在居然传出陈独秀的丑闻，自然要对他有所惩治。汤、蔡、沈、马四人连夜商量到十二点，方才散去。不久之后，蔡元培主持北大教授会议，决定废除学长制，成立由各科教授会主任组成的教务处。“教务长代替学长”这一体制更改本来定于暑假后实行，现在突然提前并且成为一场体面的人事变动。陈独秀被不动声色地解除文科学长职务，虽然继续担任教授、由校方给假一年，但他跟北京大学的关系却从此破裂。这件事对陈独秀的打击，可以在汤尔和的日记中寻找到蛛丝马迹。两人在路上相遇，后者看到前者“面色灰败，自北而南，以怒目视”。最终，就任北大文科学长不到三年的陈独秀被北大“放逐”，此后接连在每周评论发表激进文章，如《每周评论》18号刊登的《二十世纪俄罗斯的革命》。4月20日，陈独秀公开点章宗祥、曹汝霖、江庸、陆宗舆为亲日派四大金刚。
1919年，五四运动爆发后，6月8日，陈独秀在《每周评论》发表《研究室与监狱》，提出入监狱和入研究室，是青年人生最高尚最优美的生活。6月11日，陈独秀在城南新世界游艺场散发《北京市民宣言》被捕。9月16日保释出狱。
创立中国共产党1919年秋天，陈独秀因风化问题被北京大学解职，前往上海。住在上海法租界环龙路渔阳里2号。春，李大钊介绍共产国际远东局外交人民委员部远东事务全权代表维经斯基（吴廷康）及担任翻译的俄籍华人杨明斋来访，策动陈独秀发起成立中国共产党。
1917年俄国十月革命后，陈独秀和李大钊等开始研究马克思主义，新青年杂志开始宣传社会主义。1920年8月，成立中国共产党上海发起组。8月22日，俞秀松、罗亦农等人在陈独秀家中成立了社会主义青年团。
中共领袖时期的陈独秀1920年，陈炯明占领广州，孙中山率国民党中央由上海迁往广州，12月，陈独秀应邀前往广州任广东省教育委员会委员长，由李达做代理书记。陈独秀在广东省立女子师范学校、广东女界联合会发表演说，批评传统道德，引发当地守旧人士发起驱陈运动。这时，他与胡适在新青年的政治立场上发生争执，胡适强调新青年应该在政治上保持中立，陈独秀则在第8卷中发表《谈政治》加以抨击。
1921年7月，中国共产党第一次全国代表大会在上海召开，陈独秀没有前去出席，而是派新婚的陈公博为广州代表，又派包惠僧代表他出席，带去他的信件和4点意见：“一曰培植党员；二曰民权主义之指导；三曰纪律；四曰慎重进行征服群众政权问题。在会议上，陈独秀被缺席选为中央局书记。
陈当选中共中央局书记后，即于9月回到上海。10月4日，他和杨明斋、柯庆施、包惠僧以及妻子高君曼5人曾一度被法租界巡捕房逮捕，被判罚100银元。
陈后被选为党的第二届、第三届中央执行委员会委员长，第四届、第五届中央委员会的总书记。
1922年7月16日至23日，中国共产党在上海成都路召开“二大”。代表有陈独秀、张国焘、李达、蔡和森、高君宇、王尽美、向警予、施存统等12人，会前，陈独秀、张国焘、蔡和森起草了《宣言》，在大会通过，规定了党的最高纲领和最低纲领。最低纲领，即消除内乱，打倒军阀，建设国内和平，推翻国际的帝国主义的压迫，达到中华民族完全独立；最高纲领，即组织无产阶级，用阶级斗争的手段，建立劳农专政的政治，铲除私有财产制度，渐次达到一个共产主义社会。大会选举陈独秀为中央执行委员会委员长。8月9日，陈独秀再次被捕，罪名是家中藏有违禁书籍。最后判罚陈独秀大洋400元。
与共产国际的关系新生的中共在各方面都有赖于共产国际的帮助。1922年，共产国际指示中共与孙中山和中国国民党合作，陈独秀和几乎所有中共领袖最初都表示反对。他也日益对莫斯科的意志和共产国际对中共的指挥感到不满。但是到了同年8月20日，陈独秀主持西湖会议，终于勉强表示服从马林传达的共产国际指示，同意加入国民党。随后陈独秀等人加入了国民党。并前往莫斯科参加共产国际四大。
陈独秀一度将中共中央迁往北京，但在1923年二七罢工后，吴佩孚通缉陈独秀、马林，于是再度迁回上海。不久再迁广州。1923年6月12日，陈独秀在那里主持召开中共三大，并再度当选为中央执行委员会委员长。1923年9月，中共中央迁回上海。
1927年3月21日，当国民党北伐军占领龙华时，中共在上海发动工人武装暴动，陈独秀在北四川路横浜桥南郑超麟家里，向前线指挥部周恩来、赵世炎发布命令，攻打闸北天通庵车站、商务印书馆俱乐部和北火车站，占领了除租界以外的全上海。陈独秀一度想掌握进入上海的东路军第一军第一师师长薛岳，但是白崇禧将薛岳调走，换上刘峙，于是陈独秀下令加强上海工人纠察队，准备进行防御战（蒋介石到上海），陈独秀发表《告世界工人阶级书》和《告中国工人阶级书》。4月4日，陈独秀与刚从国外回来的汪精卫发表《汪、陈联合宣言》，并随汪去武汉。
4月12日，工人纠察队和蒋介石直接冲突，发生四一二政变，国共分裂。
4月底在中共五大仍然当选为总书记，但是已经没有实权了。
7月12日，鲍罗廷遵照斯大林的指示，重新改组中共中央，由张国焘、张太雷、李维汉、李立三、周恩来组成临时中央局兼常委。陈独秀被停职，于是给临时中央发了一封辞职信。7月15日，汪精卫发动七一五事变，共产国际和中共在中国的势力中遭到近乎毁灭性的打击。
8月7日，新来的共产国际代表罗明那兹在汉口主持八七会议，禁止陈独秀参加，在会议上公开批判陈独秀对国民党妥协退让，犯有严重的“右倾机会主义”错误。陈独秀认为共产党和国民党都是吸收了中国当时最优秀青年的总汇。
与中共分道扬镳此后，陈独秀由于对共产国际不满，倾向于托洛茨基的主张。不过，他也不赞成同样背离共产国际路线的毛泽东农民革命的思想。1929年11月16日，陈独秀因在中东路等问题上发表不同意见，反对当时中共提出的“武装保卫苏联”的口号，被开除党籍。后发表《告全党同志书》公开信。陈独秀是少数经过30年代还幸存下来的中共领袖之一，但对自己所创建的政党已经不再能产生任何影响。
1931年5月，陈独秀出席中国各托派小组织的“统一大会”，被推选为中国托派组织的中央书记。
1932年10月15日，在国民党巨额悬赏多年后，陈独秀被上海公共租界巡捕房以创办非法政党的罪名逮捕，随后移交南京政府。国民党各地党部、省主席、司令等纷纷致电中央要求予以严惩，共产党也发表消息和称他为资产阶级走狗、反共先锋的评论。（《红色中华》1933年5月8日当日报道《托陈取消派向国民党讨饶》）另一方面，已经成为名动全国的大律师的章士钊主动免费为陈出庭辩护，胡适之、傅斯年等人纷纷出来为其说话。[来源请求]
1932年12月8日，德国大科学家爱因斯坦去电蒋介石，请求将其释放。此外，知名的学者罗素、杜威等人也向蒋介石做出同样请求。但蒋介石不为所动。[来源请求]
1933年以判处13年有期徒刑，1933年4月，公开开庭审判，章士钊在法庭慷慨陈词，赢得旁听一片赞誉。结果，陈被“以文字为叛国之宣传”判处有期徒刑13年。囚禁于南京老虎桥第一监狱。此后，其自辩和章的辩护词在天津《益世报》全文登载，其他报纸也纷纷报道，一时轰动全国，曾出版过《独秀文存》的亚东书局公开出版了陈案的资料汇编，还被上海沪东大学、东吴大学选为法学系的教材。判刑后囚禁于南京。在南京狱中，陈利用国民党的优待条件，大量阅读古今中外的书籍，潜心研究中国古代语言文字、孔子、道家学说等，完成了不少有价值的学术论著。[来源请求]
1936年3月，在《火花》发表了《无产阶级与民主主义》，指出“最浅薄的见解，莫如把民主主义看作是资产阶级的专利”。称“民主主义乃是人类社会进步的一种动力。”“斯大林不懂得这一点，抛弃了民主主义，代之于官僚主义，乃至于把党，把各阶级苏维埃，把职工会，把整个无产阶级政权，糟蹋的简直比考茨基所预言的还要丑陋。”[来源请求]
晚年1937年8月23日陈独秀提前获释。他曾向中国共产党表示支持，共产党也曾发表文章《陈独秀先生到何处去》，并曾提出只要陈可以承认当年的错误就可以恢复党籍。但陈拒绝认错后，王明、康生等人在一些共产党的刊物上说陈独秀接受日本津贴，做“日特汉奸”，陈写信驳斥，虽然事件没有进一步发展下去，但两者关系已经恶化。王明失势后，周恩来曾多次托人劝说陈独秀去延安，均被拒绝。陈独秀为此对好友说，党内的熟人都已经离去或逝去，现在对共产党已不熟悉。
此后他拒绝出任劳动部长，拒绝蒋介石出资让他组织“新共党”，拒绝胡适的邀请去美国，拒绝谭平山要他出面组织第三党的建议。
先后住在武汉、重庆。在重庆住院时，周恩来、朱蕴山都去医院看望过他，周更资助他100银元，都被他拒绝。实际上当时他仅靠微薄稿费收入支撑，最后更被赶出医院。陈最后长期隐居在四川江津，保持低调，而且转向了自由主义。此后对文学和民主发展，继续当年在狱中的研究，特别对斯大林时代的反思，也被后人认为难出其右者。
1942年5月27日陈独秀因病于四川江津鹤山坪石墙院逝世，享年63岁。
影响及遗产
评价及影响
纪念与纪念地主条目：陈独秀墓
陈独秀逝世后，由于经济拮据，家属无力将其归葬安庆，只能由当地士绅、生前友好资助，临时厝于西门外鼎山邓燮康园地。墓碑上刻有陈独秀生前好友欧阳竟无写的“独秀先生之墓”6个字。1947年2月，陈独秀三子陈松年根据父亲遗言，将其归葬于安庆北门叶家冲（现属十里铺），与元配夫人高晓岚合于一冢。墓碑上刻“先考陈公乾生之墓”（陈乾生是陈独秀参加科考时所用的名字）。1979年10月，陈松年得到当地有关部门同意和资助，以延年、乔年、松年、鹤年4个儿子的名义重修了墓地。碑文为传统行文“陈公仲甫字独秀、母高太夫人合葬之墓”。1982年安庆市政府确定陈独秀墓为市级文物保护单位，又重修了墓冢。此次所立碑上刻着“陈独秀之墓”五个字，石碑的背面仅有生卒年月，无其他字样。1998年5月安徽省政府批准陈独秀墓为省级重点文物保护单位。此后各级有关部门编列投资1300万元，对陈独秀墓进行全面修缮，现墓园占地总面积为1058.85平方米。墓坐北朝南，由墓冢、墓碑、墓台、护栏、墓道构成。墓碑上刻着“陈独秀先生之墓”七个大字。
另外，目前陈独秀墓的门票价格为：人民币10元（安庆市物价局价管字（2005）97号），但在陈独秀纪念馆未开门时并不收费。
2009年10月30日，陈独秀纪念馆在安庆建成并对游客开放，这是迄今为止中国国内唯一系统展示陈独秀一生的纪念性展馆。
家庭元配高晓岚（高大众）（1876年-1930年9月9日），安徽六安霍丘临淮乡人，清末安徽统领副将高登科之女，育有三子一女。逝于安庆。
配偶高君曼（高小众）（1888年-1931年），高晓岚同父异母妹。育有二子一女。病逝于南京。
配偶潘兰珍（1908年-1949年），江苏南通人，因病去世于上海，无子女。
长子陈延年（1898年-1927年），曾任中共中央委员、政治局候补委员，广东、浙江及江苏区委书记。高晓岚之子。
长女陈玉莹（陈筱秀）（1900年-1928年），病逝于上海。
次子陈乔年（1902年-1928年），曾任中共中央委员，中共北方区委组织部部长、湖北省委组织部部长、湖北省委书记、江苏省委组织部长等职。1928年6月6日，陈乔年在上海龙华的枫林桥畔就义。
三子陈光美（1907年-1999年），近年有证据表明此子是陈独秀与高君曼早年所生并寄养在四川的，此子成年后才学超群，但长期隐居蜀中，由于历史原因，此子一直未承认是陈独秀儿子。
四子陈松年（1910年-1990年），曾任安庆市政协常委，安庆市文史馆馆员，安徽省文史馆馆员。
幼女陈子美（1912年-2004年），妇产科医生。文革时经香港前往美加地区，后常住美国行医。她逝世后中国驻纽约副总领事崔爱民前去吊唁。
幼子陈鹤年（陈哲民）（1913年-2000年），1949年后常住香港。曾任《科学模型》月刊编辑。
ChronologyOctober 9, 1879: Birth in Anqing, Anhui.
1879 to 1901: Early life and education in China.
1901 to 1908: Study in Japan, organising Republican revolutionary groups.
1908 to 1911: Working as a teacher.
1911 to 1915: Participation in the Xinhai Revolution, the post-revolution Republican government, the anti-Yuan Shikai revolution.
1915 to 1920: Leading figure in the May Fourth Movement.
1920 to 1927: Founding and leading the Communist Party of China
1927 to 1932: Leading Communist forces participating in the Northern Expedition, conflict with Chiang Kai-shek leading to the April 12 Incident and massacre of Communists, conflict with Comintern leading to expulsion from Communist Party. Becomes leader of Trotskyists in China.
1932 to 1937: Arrest by Kuomintang authorities and imprisonment.
1937 to 1942: Retires from public life.
May 27, 1942: Death due to heart attack.
Biography
Life in the Qing DynastyChen Duxiu was born in the city of Anqing (安慶), in Anhui (安徽) province. He was born to a wealthy family of officials, the youngest of four children. In his youth, he was described as volatile, emotional, intuitive, non-intellectual, and a defender of the underdog. His father died when Chen was two years old, and he was raised primarily by his grandfather; and, later, by his older brother.
Chen was given a traditional Confucian education by his grandfather, several private tutors, and his elder brother. A thorough knowledge of Confucian literary and philosophical works was the pre-requisites for civil service in Imperial China. Chen was an exceptional student, but this poor experiences taking the Confucian civil service exams resulted in a lifelong tendency to advocate unconventional beliefs and to criticize traditional ideas.
Chen took and passed the county-level imperial examination (鄉試) in 1896, and succeeded in the provincial-level examination (省試) the following year. He later wrote a sardonic memoir in which he reminisced about the filthy conditions, the dishonesty, and the incompetence that he observed when taking the official examinations. 1898, he passed the entrance exam and became a student of Qiushi Academy (currently Zhejiang University) in Hangzhou, where he studied French, English, and naval architecture. He moved to Nanjing in 1902, after he was reported to have given speeches attacking the Qing government, and then to Japan the same year. It was in Japan where Chen became influenced by socialism and the growing Chinese dissident movement. While studying in China, Chen helped to found two radical political parties, but refused to join Sun Yat-sen's Revolutionary Alliance (Tomngmenghui), which he regarded as narrowly racist. In 1907, Chen left Japan to visit France, before returning to Anhui to teach in a high school later that year. In 1908, he visited Manchuria before accepting a position at the Army Elementary School in Hangzhou.
Life in the Early RepublicAt the turn of the century, the Qing Dynasty (清朝) had suffered a series of humiliating military defeats against the colonial foreign powers, most recently in the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) and the war against the Alliance of Eight Nations that invaded China in reaction to the 1901 Boxer Rebellion. At the same time, widespread corruption within the Qing bureaucracy had left the empire in a state of total economic paralysis. Against this background Chen Duxiu became an increasingly influential activist in the revolutionary movement against both foreign imperialism and the Qing government itself.
Influenced by his time in Japan, Chen founded the Anhui Patriotic Association (安徽愛國會) in 1903 and the Yuewang Hui (岳王會) in 1905. He was an outspoken writer and political leader by the time of the Wuchang Uprising (武昌起義) of 1911, which led to the abdication of the last Qing emperor and the collapse of the Qing Dynasty. in 1912, Chen became the secretary general to the new military governor of Anhui, while also serving as the dean of a local highschool. Chen fled to Japan again in 1913 following the short-lived "Second Revolution" against Yuan Shikai (袁世凱), but returned to China soon afterwards.
In 1915, Chen founded the journal "Youth" in Shanghai. In 1916 the name was changed to "New Youth." It quickly became the most popular and widely distributed journal in China. This journal published articles attacking conservative Chinese morality and promoting individualism. The journal was highly critical of Confucianism, and carried articles promoting the adoption of a Western moral system valuing human rights, democracy, and science, which he believed Confucianism opposed. Chen used the journal to promote vernacular writing at the expense of traditional Confucian writing conventions.
Chen joined the faculty of Peking University in 1917 as the university's dean, at the invitation of Cai Yuanpei, who also paid for moving Chen's journal to Beijing. A Marxist study group at the university, led by Li Dazhao, attracted his attention in 1919. At the time, New Youth was highly popular, and Chen decided to run a special edition on Marxism with Li Dazhao as the edition's general editor. The edition of this magazine was the most detailed analysis of Marxism then published in China, and achieved wide readership due to the journal's popularity. Chen's decision to run this edition, and his activities in the May Fourth Movement that same year, motivated conservative opponents within the university to force his resignation in the fall of 1919. Around the time that he was forced out of Peking University, he was jailed for three months for distributing literatue that Peking authorities considered inflammatory, demanding that all pro-Japanese ministers resign, and that the government guarantee and freedom of speech and assembly. After his release, Chen moved to Shanghai and became more interested in Marxism and the promotion of rapid social change. His settlement in the French Concession allowed him to pursue his intellectual and scholarly interests free from official persecution.
Career Within the Chinese Communist Party
Founding the Chinese Communist PartyIn 1921, Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao and other prominent revolutionary leaders founded the Communist Party of China (中国共产党/中國共産黨). It has been generally asserted that Chen, Li and the other Chinese radicals of the time (including future chairman Mao Zedong) formed the CCP out of diligent study of Marxist theories, inspired by the Russian Revolution of 1917. However, many historian
now believe that, for this generation of Chinese radicals, Chen included, the road to Marxism was a long one, with numerous prominent members initially attracted to anarchism or anarcho-communism. Many of the prominent members of the party in 1920 had a very poor understanding of Marxist theory. Over time, the more prominent revolutionaries attracted to the early Chinese Communist Party eventually adopted a more orthodox interpretation of Communism, and were organized through the influence of a Comintern advisor, Grigori Voitinsky, who made a tour of China during 1920-21.
At the First Congress of the Communist Party in Shanghai, Chen was elected (in absentia) as the party's first General Secretary; and, with the assistance of Li Dazhao, he developed what would become a crucial cooperative relationship with the international Communist movement, the Comintern. This cooperation with the Comintern would later prove to be a problem for the fledgling CPC over the next decade, as aggressive foreign Comintern advisors would try to force policy according to the wishes of Moscow and against the will of many prominent CPC leaders, often for the national interest of the USSR. By 1922, the size of the entire Communist Party in China was only about 200 members, not counting those overseas. Chen remained as the undisputed leader of the Chinese Communist Party until 1927, and was often referred to as "China's Lenin" during this period.
Subsequent Efforts to Spread CommunismSoon after the founding of the Chinese Communist Party, in 1920, Chen accepted an invitation by a rebel governor in Guangzhou to serve as the head of the province's education board, but this position dissolved when the government returned to Nationalist control. At the direction of the Comintern, Chen and the Chinese Communists formed an alliance with Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) (Chinese: 中國國民黨; pinyin: Guómíndǎng) in 1922. Although Chen was not convinced of the utility of collaborating with the Kuomintang, he reluctantly carried out the Comintern's orders to do so. Pursuing collaboration with the Kuomintang, he was elected into that party's Central Committee in January, 1924.
In 1927, he and other high-ranking Communists, including Mao Zedong and Borodin, collaborated closely with Wang Jingwei's Nationalist government in Wuhan, convincing Wang's regime to adopt various proto-Communist policies. The Wuhan government's subsequent land reform policies were considered provocative enough to influence various KMT-aligned generals to attack Wang's regime, suppressing it. Chen was forced to resign as General Secretary in 1927, due to his public dissatisfaction with the Comintern order to disarm during the April 12 Incident, which had led to the deaths of thousands of Communists, and because of his disagreement with the Comintern's new focus on peasant rebellions.
Conflict with MaoChen came into conflict with Mao Zedong in 1925 over Mao's essay "An Analysis of Classes in Chinese Society". Although Mao had been one of Chen's students,
he had begun to question Chen's analyses of China. While Chen believed that the focus of revolutionary struggle in China should primarily concern the workers, Mao had started to theorize about the primacy of the peasants. According to Han Suyin in Mortal Flower, Chen "opposed the opinions expressed [in Mao's analysis], denied that a radical land policy and the vigorous organization of the rural areas under the Communist party was necessary, and refused the publication of the essay in the central executive organs of publicity."
Although he recognized the value of Mao's interpretation of Marxism in inciting the Chinese peasants and labourers to revolution, Chen opposed Mao's rejection of the strong role of the bourgeoisie that Chen had hoped to achieve. During the last years of his life, Chen denounced Joseph Stalin's dictatorship, and held that various democratic institutions, including independent judiciaries, opposition parties, a free press, and free elections, were important and valuable. Because of Chen's opposition to Mao's interpretation of Communism, Mao believed that Chen was incapable of providing a robust historical materialist analysis of China. This dispute would eventually lead to the end of Chen and Mao's friendship and political association.
Expelled by the PartyAfter the collaboration between the Communists and Nationalists collapsed in 1927, the Comintern blamed Chen, and systematically removed him from all positions of leadership. In 1929, he was expelled. Afterwards, Chen became associated with the International Left Opposition of Leon Trotsky. Like Chen, Trotsky opposed many of the policies of the Comintern, and publicly criticized the Comintern's effort to collaborate with the Nationalists. Chen eventually became the voice of the Trotskyists in China, attempting to regain support and influence within the party, but failed. Chen continued to oppose measures like "New Democracy" and the "Bloc of Four Classes" advocated by Mao Zedong.
Last Years
Taken in the First Nanjing Prison in the spring of the 26th year of the Republic In 1932, Chen was arrested by the government of the Shanghai International Settlement, where he had been living since 1927, and extradited to Nanjing. Chen was then tried and sentenced to fifteen years in prison by the Nationalist government. Chen was released on parole in 1937, after the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War.
Chen was one of the few early leaders of the Communist party to survive the turmoil of the 1930s, but he was never able to regain any influence within the party he had founded. For the last decade of his life, he faded into obscurity. Chen later embraced a form of libertarian socialism,
and refused to side either with the Nationalists or CCP. At the time that he was released, both the supporters of Chen and the pro-Comintern leaders who opposed him had either been killed or had fallen out of favor with the Communist membership. The Chinese Communist Party only managed to survive the purges by fleeing to the northern frontier in the Long March of 1934-5, during which Mao Zedong emerged as leader. Mao and this new generation of Communists would lead the party in China for the next fifty years.
After his release, Chen travelled from place to place until the summer of 1938, when he arrived at the wartime capital of Chongqing and took a position teaching at a junior high school. In poor health and with few remaining friends, Chen Duxiu later retired to Jiangjing, a small town west of Chongqing, where he died in 1942 at the age of 62. Today, he is buried at his birthplace of Anqing.
LegacyAfter the founding of the PRC in 1949, Chen's example was used to warn Communist Party members not to deviate from party orthodoxy. In the Hundred Flowers Campaign, the example of Chen in collaborating with Wang Jingwei's Wuhan government, leading to the ostracism of his peers and the failure of Communist policies at the time, was used by Peng Zhen as a warning never to "forgive" anti-Maoists. After Mao died in 1976, Hua Guofeng gave a speech praising Mao's suppression of "Right and 'Left' Opportunist lines of the Party" as one of the late Chairman's greatest achievements: Chen's was the first person to be named as being correctly suppressed; Deng Xiaoping was the last. Subsequent generations of Chinese have since re-assessed Chen's contributions to Chinese Communism as being somewhat more positive.
Literature
Writing StyleChen felt that his articles should reflect the needs of society. He believed that the progress of society could not be achieved without those who accurately report social weaknesses and sicknesses.
Chen's articles were always expressive. He criticized the traditional Chinese officials as corrupt and guilty of other wrongdoings. He was under constant attack from conservatives in China, and had to flee to Japan four times. In China, he spent much of his life in the French Concession and the Shanghai International Settlement in order to pursue his writing and scholarly activities free from official harassment.
Chen's articles strove to attract publicity, and often arouse discussion by using hyperbole. He emphasized his sadness about the backwardness and corruption in China so that people suffering would be willing to send him their opinions. In New Youth, he wrote various articles using pseudonyms to form "discussions", in order to arouse public interest.
Chen's publications emphasized the responses from their audience. In New Youth there were forums and citizens' columns. On average, there were 6 letters from the public in each issue. Whether in praise or strong opposition, Chen encouraged all to write. He also thought that teamwork was very important in journalism, and consequently asked for help from many talented authors and journalists, including Hu Shih and Lu Xun.
Journalistic Work
Anhui Suhua BaoOn March 31, 1904, Chen founded Anhui Suhua Bao (安徽俗話報), a newspaper that he established with Fang Zhiwu (房秩五) and Wu Shou (吴守) in Tokyo to promote revolutionary ideas using vernacular Chinese, which was simple to understand and easy for the general public to read. While Chen was the chief secretary of the newspaper, its circulation increased from only a thousand copies to more than three times that figure in less than half a year, becoming one of the most popular vernacular Chinese newspapers in print at that time. During 1904 and 1905, a total of twenty-three issues were published. Each issue had 40 pages - about 15,000 words. However, due to political pressures, the paper was barred from publishing in 1905.
Chen had three main objectives in publishing Anhui Suhua Bao (安徽俗話報): to let his countrymen in Anhui keep abreast of the politics of the Qing Dynasty; to spread knowledge to the paper's readers through vernacular Chinese; and, to promote revolutionary ideas to the public. Chen believed that most Chinese believed that the importance of the family was greater than that of the state, and that this limited their interest in political events. He also found Chinese people in general to be excessively superstitious. Chen urged Chinese people to participate in politics through the publication of Anhui Suhua Bao (安徽俗話報). After its sixteenth issue, the newspaper added an extra 16 columns, the most popular were on military events, Chinese philosophy, hygiene, and astronomy. Almost all of these additional topics were written by Chen. His pen-name was San'ai (三愛). At least 50 articles were published under this name.
Tokyo Jiayin MagazineIn early 1914, Chen went to Japan, where he worked as an editor and writer in the Tokyo Jiayin Magazine, (甲寅雜誌) which was published by Zhang Shizhao (章士釗). Chen once wrote an article entitled "Self Consciousness on Patriotism" (愛國心與自覺) which conveyed a strong sense of patriotism and encouraged people to fight for their freedom. It promoted the idea that those who love their country should spare no pains to protect it, and should fight for the rights of its citizens. This group of people should work together towards the same goal harmoniously. The article was threatening to the Yuan Shikai's government, as it tried to arouse the self-consciousness of the Chinese people. This preliminary magazine was released for 10 issues in total, before it was prevented from publishing. The magazine was resumed in 1925 in Beijing with the new name Tokyo Jiayin Weekly (甲寅周刊).
New Youth MagazineIn 1915, Chen started an influential monthly periodical in the French Concession of Shanghai, The Youth Magazine (青年雜誌), which was later renamed La Jeunesse (新青年, literally New Youth). It became one of the most influential magazines among the students who participated in the May Fourth Movement. Chen was the chief editor of this periodical. It was published by Qunyi shushe (群益書社), and ended publication in 1926. The magazine mainly advocated the use of vernacular language, socialism, and Marxism, and was strongly against feudalism.
In 1917, Chen became a lecturer of Chinese Literature, and a Dean of Peking University（北京大学). Having the approval from the Cai Yuanpei, the Chancellor of the Peking University, Chen collected the writings of the students which he appreciated most, which especially included Li Dazhao (李大釗), Hu Shih (胡適), Lu Xun (鲁迅) and Qian Yuan (錢沅). In order to expand the editorial department, New Youth was moved to Beijing at this time, and in February 1917, Chen used New Youth to promote science, democracy and modern literature, and to discourage the study of paleography and classical Chinese literature. The magazine began to advocate the use of the scientific method and Logical arguments towards the achievement of political, economic, social, ethical, and democratic goals.
New Youth focused on different concerns during various phases of its development. From 1915 to 1918 it opposed Chinese conservatism (especially conservatism associated with Confucianism) and promoted the development of democracy. During this phase, it became influential among the New Culture Movement. From 1919 to 1921, until the formation of the Chinese Communist Party, it focused on promoting socialism, and Marxism. From 1921 to 1926, it published and disseminated the prevailing views of the members of the Communist Party.
Minor PublicationsThe Shanghai local government banned the sale of a publication called "Guomin Ribao" (國民日報) on December 1, 1903. After this, Chen twice planned to found a paper called "Aiguo Xinbao" (愛國新報), but failed because of pressure from different groups. Chen continued to express his discontent towards the government in his later publications. When Anhui Suhua Bao (安徽俗話報) was published on March 31, 1904, Chen was responsible for all editing and distribution.
On November 27, 1918, Chen started another magazine, the Weekly Review (每週評論) with Li Dazhao (李大釗) in order to criticize the politics of his time in a more direct way and to promote democracy, science, and modern literature. Chen also edited Tokyo Jiayin Magazine (甲寅雜誌) and Science Magazine (科學雜誌). Later, he became the Editor-in-Chief of the newspapers Minli Bao (民立報) and Shenzhou Daily (神州日報).
From 1908 to 1910, two students at Peking University, Deng Zhongxia (鄧中夏) and Xu Deheng (許德珩), founded the Guomin magazine (國民雜誌) and invited Li Dazhao (李大釗) to be a consultant for the magazine. From 1912 to 1913, Chen, with the assistance of Luo Jialun (羅家倫) and Fu Sinian (傅斯年), published a paper named Xinchao She (新潮社).
Chen's Contribution to Chinese JournalismChen set a precedent for future writers via the intentionally controversial nature of his publications. He insisted on telling the truth to the Chinese people and strengthening the Chinese media for later generations. By publishing newspapers and magazines concerning political issues, Chen provided a channel for the general public to express their ideas or discontent towards the existing government. Chen believed that the purpose of mass media was to reveal the truth. At a young age, Chen had already established his first periodical, Guomin Ribao (國民日報), in which he criticized many social and political problems evident in the late Qing Dynasty. With a view to the things mentioned above, his contribution was said to be influential to journalism as a whole. Chen's writing brought the standards of Chinese journalism closer to those of other, more libearal societies of his time.
PoetryIn 1918, New Youth published contemporary poetry by Hu Shih (胡適) and Liu Bannong (劉半農), written in vernacular Chinese, becoming one of the first publications in China to encourage poetry in vernacular Chinese. Eventually, every article in New Youth were written in vernacular Chinese. New Youth was one of the first publications in China to adopt and use punctuations marks, and popularized their use through its popularity and wide readership.
Final Letters and ArticlesGregor Benton compiled and translated into English the last of Chen Duxiu's writings, publishing them under the title "Chen Duxiu's last articles and letters, 1937-1942".
Intellectual contributions and dispute
Crisis with Cai YuanpeiIn the second edition of New Youth, Chen prepared to publish Cai Yuanpei's speech, the "Speech on Freedom of Religion" (蔡元培先生在信教自由會之演說), along with an editorial interpreting its meaning and significance. Before its appearance in New Youth, Cai criticized Chen for misinterpreting this speech. Chen later admitted that "the publication of my speech in New Youth included a number of mistakes." Fortunately, Cai did not become angry with Chen and the publication was then amended before publishing.
Crisis with Hu ShihThis crisis was about the political stand of New Youth. Hu Shih insisted that New Youth should be politically neutral and the publication should be concerned with Chinese philosophy. Chen attacked his rationale by publishing "Talking Politics" (談政治) in the 8th edition. Because Chen was invited by Chen Jiongming (陳炯明) to be the Education officer in Guangzhou in mid-December 1920, he decided to assign the publication to Mao Dun (茅盾), who belonged to the Shanghai Communist Party.
Hu Shih was dissatisfied with this responsibility and their friendship and professional relationship ended. Later, Chen wrote to Hu Shih about his dissatisfaction with Hu’s intimacy with many conservative faculty members of Peking University. Especially troubling to Chen was Hu's relationship with Liang Qichao (梁啟超), a supporter of the Duan Qirui (段祺瑞) government and their anti-new wave ideology, which made Chen greatly dissatisfied.
Anti-ConfucianismChen suggested six guiding principles in New Youth with an article called "Warning the youth" (敬告青年). This article was aimed at removing the old beliefs of Confucianism. "Warning the Youth" promoted six values:
1.Independence instead of servility;
2.Progressivism instead of conservatism;
3.Aggression instead of passivity;
4.Cosmopolitanism instead of isolationism;
5.Utilitarian beliefs instead of impractical traditions;
6.Scientific knowledge instead of visionary insight.
New Youth was one of the most influential magazines in early modern Chinese history. Chen introduced many new ideas into popular Chinese culture, including individualism, democracy, humanism, and the use of the scientific method, and he advocated the abandonment of Confucianism for the adoption Communism.
Seen in this light, New Youth found itself in a position to provide an alternative intellectual influence for many young people. Under the banners of democracy and science, traditional Confucian ethics became the target of attack from New Youth. In its first issue, Chen called for young generation to struggle against Confucianism by "theories of literary revolution" (文學革命論).
To Chen, Confucianism was to be rooted out because:
1.It advocated superfluous ceremonies and preached the morality of meek compliance, making the Chinese people weak and passive, unfit to struggle and compete in the modern world.
2.It promoted family values and rejected the idea that the individual was the basic unit of society.
3.It upheld the inequality of the status of individuals.
4.It stressed filial piety, which made men subservient and dependent.
5.It preached orthodoxy of thought, disregarding freedom of thinking and expression.
Chen called for the destruction of tradition, and his attacks on traditionalism gave new options to the youth of his time. This magazine as a major influence within the May Fourth Movement.