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李光耀李光耀 - 興趣愛好
李光耀
新加坡前總理李光耀知識淵博，興趣廣泛。李光耀從小受英文教育，又努力學習華語和方言閩南話。尤其喜歡學習及背誦中國人的四字成語。喜歡跑步、遊泳，愛喝中國茶。
李光耀對數學格外感興趣。早在上大學時期，李光耀就專修過數學，從政後數學幫了他的大忙，無論是在國傢經濟的宏觀决策上，還是在具體計劃製定方面，他都要精心策劃，精心計算。
李光耀在語言方面，也顯示了出衆的才華。他既精通英語，也懂馬來語，還掌握了日語、泰米爾語。李
光耀的英文水平是許多人望塵莫及的，他不僅能快速閱讀英文書籍，而且能用英文寫作，用英文發表演說，30歲以後又開始學習華語。他能使用多種語言進行交流，這對於實行種族協調倒是至關重要的。也許很少有人知道，李光耀還特別喜歡生物學，他很善於觀察各種生物的生活習慣。
李光耀對文藝也頗有興趣，他會唱歌、跳舞，會玩多種樂器。在一次文藝晚會上，為了活躍會場氣氛，他即席唱了一首客傢山歌。令人特別驚訝的是，他竟能用英文把這首歌翻譯出來。
李光耀 - 從政經歷
1978年11月，鄧小平出訪新加坡，李光耀接機
1954年10月，李光耀與一些從英國回來的華人、當地受華文教育的左派學生和工會領袖成立人民行動黨，參加次年舉行的首次選舉。這次選舉中李光耀本人順利當選立法議院議員，開始與新加坡的共産黨合作爭取獨立。
1959年新加坡取得自治地位，在自治政府的首次選舉中人民行動黨成為立法議院第一大黨，李光耀出任總理，此後李光耀一直希望能夠與馬來亞合併成立“大馬來西亞”，以取得正式的獨立，同時也可以為新加坡經濟發展提供保障，最後還可以鏟除在當地日漸得勢的共産黨活動。
1961年李光耀為首的反共份子與黨內的親共份子决裂，李光耀堅持新加坡應與
馬來亞合併。1963年7月，李光耀在倫敦與馬來亞政府達成協議，雙方正式合併。合併後的馬來西亞聯邦政府與李光耀主導的新加坡政府采取行，逮捕了新加坡的多名共産黨高層。但是合併後很快聯邦政府與新加坡政府就在經濟等多項政策上發生嚴重分歧，李光耀作為新加坡州長，在馬來西亞國會倡導建立“馬來西亞人的馬來西亞”而不是馬來人的馬來西亞，引起首相東姑的不滿。
辜汪會談
1964年新加坡發生種族騷亂，李光耀政府指責馬來西亞聯邦政府試圖推行“種族沙文主”，馬來人在聯邦內享有特殊待遇，並煽動新加坡的馬來人反對當地華人政府，這最終導致了新加坡在1965年8月退出馬來西亞聯邦。
獨立後李光耀積極推動經濟改革與發展，成功使新加坡在三十年內發展成為亞洲最發達的國傢之一，在其任內推 動了開發裕廊工業園區、創立公積金制度、成立廉政公署、進行教育改革等多項政策。今天的新加坡的政府以高效、廉潔而聞名，人民生活水平較其他亞洲國傢為高。
1990年李光耀辭去總理職務，但是留任內閣資政至今。此外，根據2003年首次披露的新加坡政府投資公司董事會，李光耀其實卸任總理後就一直擔任着該公司的董事長職務。該公司負責管理新加坡的政府外匯儲備，卻一直是該國最神秘的公司。他始終提倡“亞洲價值觀”，認為亞洲國傢不需要完全依照西方的價值觀行事。李光耀因此也一直對西方國傢對他專製的批評不加理會，認為西方民主不能強加給亞洲人民。
李光耀 - 家庭簡介
子女情況
李光耀與妻子柯玉芝共育有三個子女：長子李顯竜後來成為新加坡總理，長媳何晶現任新加坡官方最重要的投資控股公司--淡馬錫控股公司總裁；女兒李瑋玲在陳篤生醫院全國腦神經學院擔任副主管；次子李顯揚任新加坡電信公司總裁。
愛妻逝世
新加坡政府2010年10月2日晚對外宣佈，新加坡內閣資政李光耀的夫人柯玉芝當天逝世，享年89歲。新加坡政府的新聞稿說，柯玉芝於新加坡當地時間2日下午5點40分“在傢中安然離世”。柯玉芝的葬禮將於6日舉行。柯玉芝2008年5月曾患中風，被送往醫院接受治療，當時她的病情嚴重，經過腦部掃描結果發現“右腦大量出血”。
李光耀 - 個人榮譽
李國章，李光耀、陳佳洱、池田大作、田傢炳
作為新加坡的總理，在這個頭銜之下，李光耀不僅發起了反對隨地吐痰、嚼口香糖、喂養鴿子的運動，還禁止亂扔垃圾、在公共場所吸煙和說粗話髒話，並製定了嚴格的法律。他還強烈推廣了幾項他最為倡導的行為：微笑、禮貌待人以及在公共厠所主動衝水。正是由於他在指導公衆行為方面所做的指令性研究，李光耀獲得了1994年的搞笑諾貝爾奬心理學奬。
由於李光耀祖輩均為客傢人，故其本人亦被視作為客傢族裔的傑出代表之一。鑒於其對世界客傢事務的影響和貢獻，李光耀被特別聘請為新加坡最大的客屬團體（組織）——新加坡茶陽(大埔)會館的永遠榮譽主席一職。
2000年12月7日，香港中文大學新加坡內閣資政李光耀頒發了榮譽博士學位。頒授學位儀式由香港中文大學校長李國章主持。中大在對李光耀的贊辭中，形容李光耀是近百年內最傑出的政治傢之一。並形容他“以廉反貪”、“以法去亂”、“註重和平而避免衝突”、“協調種族而拘除仇視”、“帶領新加坡走嚮富強之路”等。
2005年5月17日，上海復旦大學授予82歲的李光耀名譽博士的學位。復旦大學校務委員會主任秦紹德教授在授證儀式上說，授予李光耀名譽博士學位，是因為他對促進中新兩國關係發展所作出的貢獻。李光耀在授證儀式上作了題為《中國復興中上海的角色》的主題演講。他說，未來30年，中國和印度的崛起將會把世界的中心從大西洋轉移到太平洋和印度洋。而中國的復興僅靠經濟力量是不夠的，還需要文化等軟力量的增強，“上海則有機會成為中國軟力量的中心”。李光耀說，中國復興在取得經濟發展的巨大成就的同時，也要通過復興重現中國文化的輝煌，“打造一個21世紀版的中國文明”。
香港杜莎夫人蠟像館立有一尊李光耀的蠟像（製作年代不詳）。
李光耀 - 人物評價
蔣經國and李光耀夫婦
李光耀在新加坡有很高威望，在國際上也享有美譽，多位政壇名人如撒切爾夫人、基辛格對他廉明、高效率的政府表示贊賞。但是也有很多西方輿論指責新加坡沒有足夠的自由，政治上並不民主，文化發展因政治需要而備受壓抑。
李光耀本人的兩個兒子都在政府中擔任重要職務，大兒子李顯竜為新加坡現任總理，小兒子李顯揚曾任最大國營企業新加坡電信（淡馬錫控股旗下）的總裁兼CEO（2007年4月1日卸任）。女兒李瑋玲在陳篤生醫院全國腦神經學院擔任副主管；李顯竜的妻子何晶在2002年出 任政府財政部的資金管理公司淡馬錫控股的董事後，著名的財經媒體Bloomberg發表文章影射該項任命是“為滿足李氏傢族利益或某種與嘉惠李氏傢族利益有關的腐敗動機”，遭到李光耀的駁斥並於以控告。可預期地，李光耀獲得最終的勝訴，但是此類批評依然存在。2004年9月，李光耀之子李顯竜接任總理後，英國《經濟學家》雜志再度發表文章，指責新加坡政治中存在的裙帶關係。李光耀威脅要訴諸法律，但後來該雜志刊登了公開的道歉信與賠償。但是新加坡反對黨指《經濟學家》因在新加坡設有地區總部，因此新加坡的法律對此有司法管轄權，所以纔迫使《經濟學家》道歉。
李光耀
林清祥在打擊政敵方面李光耀毫不手軟，自獨立後就一直維持有效的《國內安全法》授予政府在必要時“不經審判”即得以“無限期拘禁”危害國傢安全的人士。一些早年曾與李光耀合作的新共領導人即因該法被拘禁20多年，其中最有名的政治犯是新共領袖林清祥。此外他透過司法手段打 壓反對的聲音，許多反對派因此被迫退出政壇或移民他國。在新加坡國內，雖然反對派的聲音一直存在，卻始終不能成為主流。
此外，還有很多國際媒體指責李光耀是個不折不扣的精英主義者，曾倡導大學畢業的女性應該與受同一教育水平的男子結婚，以確保他們的下一代也擁有“高智商”。這項政治宣傳終因國內過大的反對聲音（主要是來自這群選擇獨身的高學歷女性）而作罷，李光耀本人卻依然堅持其立場正確，並在其自傳中引用劍橋大學教授的研究為佐證來支持自己的看法。
絶大多數新加坡人卻還是尊重他對國傢，尤其是在經濟上的貢獻。
李光耀 - 胸腔感染住院
2010年9月29號晚間，新加坡內閣資政李光耀，由於胸腔感染入院。
李光耀的助手說，可能是他出訪回國後出席多項活動，太過勞累，醫生正進一步診察。助手又透露，李光耀周一回國後，不小心跌倒，扭傷了腳，也曾到醫院檢查。剛於兩星期前87歲生辰的李光耀，08年九月時，曾出現心律不整，接受治療後康復。李光耀曾經擔任新加坡總理31年，1990年轉為內閣資政後，仍然活躍於新加坡以至世界政壇，不時獲邀與中國及美國等國傢元首會面，交換地區及世界政局的看法。
As the co-founder and first secretary-general of the People's Action Party (PAP), he led the party to eight landslide victories from 1959 to 1990, oversaw the separation of Singapore from Malaysia in 1965 and its subsequent transformation from a relatively underdeveloped colonial outpost with no natural resources into a "First World", Asian Tiger. He has remained one of the most influential political figures in South-East Asia.
Singapore's second prime minister, Goh Chok Tong, appointed him Senior Minister in 1990. He currently holds the advisory post of Minister Mentor, created by his son, Lee Hsien Loong, when the latter became the nation's third prime minister in August 2004. With his successive ministerial positions over 50 years, Lee is also one of history's longest serving ministers.
Family background
In his memoirs, Lee refers to his immigrant background as a fourth-generation Chinese Singaporean: his Hakka great-grandfather, Lee Bok Boon (born 1846), emigrated from the Dapu county of Guangdong province to the Straits Settlements in 1862.
His elder son Lee Hsien Loong has been Prime Minister of Singapore since 2004.
The eldest child of Lee Chin Koon and Chua Jim Neo, Lee Kuan Yew was born at 92 Kampong Java Road in Singapore, in a large and airy bungalow. As a child he was strongly influenced by British culture, due in part to his grandfather, Lee Hoon Leong, who had given his sons an English education. His grandfather gave him the name "Harry" in addition to his Chinese name (given by his father) Kuan Yew. He was mostly known as "Harry Lee" for his first 30 or so years, and still is to his friends in the West and to many close friends and family. He started using his Chinese name after entering politics. His name is sometimes cited as Harry Lee Kuan Yew, although this first name is seldom used in official settings. Lee and his wife Kwa Geok Choo were married on 30 September 1950. His wife passed away on 2 October 2010 in her sleep. They have two sons and one daughter.
Several members of Lee's family hold prominent positions in Singaporean society, and his sons and daughter hold high government or government-linked posts. His elder son Lee Hsien Loong, a former Brigadier General, has been the Prime Minister since 2004. He is also the Deputy Chairman of the Government of Singapore Investment Corporation (GIC), of which Lee himself is the chairman. Lee's younger son, Lee Hsien Yang, is also a former Brigadier General and is a former President and Chief Executive Officer of SingTel, a pan-Asian telecommunications giant and Singapore's largest company by market capitalisation (listed on the Singapore Exchange, SGX). Fifty-six percent of SingTel is owned by Temasek Holdings, a prominent government holding company with controlling stakes in a variety of very large government-linked companies such as Singapore Airlines and DBS Bank. Temasek Holdings, in turn, is run by Executive Director and C.E.O. Ho Ching, the wife of Lee Hsien Loong. Lee's daughter, Lee Wei Ling, runs the National Neuroscience Institute. Lee's wife, Kwa Geok Choo, used to be a partner of the prominent legal firm Lee & Lee.
Early life
Lee was educated at Telok Kurau Primary School, Raffles Institution (where he was a member of the 01 Raffles Scout Group), and Raffles College (now National University of Singapore). His university education was delayed by World War II and the 1942-1945 Japanese occupation of Singapore. During the occupation, he operated a successful black market business selling tapioca-based glue called Stikfas. Having taken Chinese and Japanese lessons since 1942, he was able to find work transcribing Allied wire reports for the Japanese, as well as being the English-language editor on the Japanese Hodobu (報道部 — an information or propaganda department) from 1943 to 1944.
After the war, he briefly attended the London School of Economics before moving to Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge, where he studied law, graduating with Double Starred First Class Honours. (He was subsequently made an honorary fellow of Fitzwilliam College.) He returned to Singapore in 1949 to practise as a lawyer in Laycock and Ong, the legal practice of John Laycock, a pioneer of multiracialism who, together with A.P. Rajah and C.C. Tan, had founded Singapore's first multiracial club open to Asians.
Early political career – 1951 to 1959
Pre-People's Action Party (PAP)
Lee's first experience with politics in Singapore was his role as election agent for John Laycock under the banner of the pro-British Progressive Party in the 1951 legislative council elections. However, Lee eventually realised the party was unlikely to win mass support, especially from the Chinese-speaking working class. This was especially important when the 1953 Rendel Constitution expanded the electoral rolls to include all local-born as voters, resulting in a significant increase in Chinese voters. His big break came when he was engaged as a legal advisor to the trade and students' unions, which provided Lee with a link to the Chinese-speaking, working-class world. Later on in his career, his People's Action Party (PAP) would use these historical links to unions as a negotiating tool in industrial disputes.
Formation of the PAP
On 12 November 1954, Lee, together with a group of fellow English-educated middle-class men whom he himself described as "beer-swilling bourgeois", formed the "socialist" PAP in an expedient alliance with the pro-communist trade unionists. This alliance was described by Lee as a marriage of convenience, since the English-educated group needed the pro-communists' mass support base while the communists needed a non-communist party leadership as a smoke screen because the Malayan Communist Party was illegal. Their common aims were to agitate for self-government and put an end to British colonial rule. An inaugural conference was held at the Victoria Memorial Hall, attended by over 1,500 supporters and trade unionists. Lee became secretary-general, a post he held until 1992, save for a brief period in 1957.
In opposition
Lee comprehensively won the Tanjong Pagar seat in the 1955 elections. He became the opposition leader against David Saul Marshall's Labour Front-led coalition government. He was also one of PAP's representatives to the two constitutional discussions held in London over the future status of Singapore, the first led by Marshall and the second by Lim Yew Hock, Marshall's hardline successor. It was during this period that Lee had to contend with rivals from both within and outside the PAP.
Lee's position in the PAP was seriously under threat in 1957 when pro-communists took over the leadership posts, following a party conference which the party's left wing had stacked with fake members. Fortunately for Lee and the party's moderate faction, Lim Yew Hock ordered a mass arrest of the pro-communists and Lee was reinstated as secretary-general. After the communist 'scare', Lee subsequently received a new, stronger mandate from his Tanjong Pagar constituents in a by-election in 1957. The communist threat within the party was temporarily removed as Lee prepared for the next round of elections.
Prime Minister, pre-independence – 1959 to 1965
Self-government administration – 1959 to 1963
In the national elections held on 1 June 1959, the PAP won 43 of the 51 seats in the legislative assembly. Singapore gained self-government with autonomy in all state matters except defence and foreign affairs, and Lee became the first Prime Minister of Singapore on 5 June 1959, taking over from Chief Minister Lim Yew Hock. Before he took office, Lee demanded and secured the release of Lim Chin Siong and Devan Nair, who had been arrested earlier by Lim Yew Hock's government. Lee faced many problems after gaining self-rule for Singapore from the British, including education, housing, and unemployment.
A key event was the motion of confidence of the government in which 13 PAP assemblymen crossed party lines and abstained from voting on 21 July 1961. Together with six prominent left-leaning leaders from trade unions, the breakaway members established a new party, the pro-communist Barisan Sosialis. At its inception it had popular support rivalling that of the PAP.
35 of the 51 branches of PAP and 19 of its 23 organising secretaries went to the Barisan Sosialis. This event was known as The Big Split of 1961. The PAP's majority was now 26-25 in the legislative assembly.
In 1961, the PAP faced two by-election defeats as well as the defections and labour unrest by leftists.
Lee's government was near collapse until the 1962 referendum on the issue of merger, which was a test of public confidence in the government.
Merger with Malaya, then separation – 1963 to 1965
Main article: Singapore in Malaysia
After Malayan Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman proposed the formation of a federation which would include Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak in 1961, Lee began to campaign for a merger with Malaysia to end British colonial rule. He used the results of a referendum held on 1 September 1962, in which 70% of the votes were cast in support of his proposal, to demonstrate that the people supported his plan.
On 16 September 1963, Singapore became part of Malaysia. However, the union was short-lived. The Malaysian Central Government, ruled by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), became worried by the inclusion of Singapore's Chinese majority and the political challenge of the PAP in Malaysia. Lee openly opposed the bumiputra policy and used the Malaysian Solidarity Convention's famous cry of "Malaysian Malaysia!", a nation serving the Malaysian nationality, as opposed to the Malay race.
The 1964 race riots in Singapore followed, such as that on Muhammad's birthday (21 July 1964), near Kallang Gasworks, in which 23 people were killed and hundreds injured as Chinese and Malays attacked each other. It is still disputed how the riots started, and theories include a bottle being thrown into a Muslim rally by a Chinese, while others have argued that it was started by a Malay. More riots broke out in September 1964, as rioters looted cars and shops, forcing both Tunku Abdul Rahman and Lee Kuan Yew to make public appearances in order to calm the situation.
Unable to resolve the crisis, the Tunku decided to expel Singapore from Malaysia, choosing to "sever all ties with a State Government that showed no measure of loyalty to its Central Government". Lee was adamant and tried to work out a compromise, but without success. He was later convinced by Goh Keng Swee that the secession was inevitable. Lee signed a separation agreement on 7 August 1965, which discussed Singapore's post-separation relations with Malaysia in order to continue co-operation in areas such as trade and mutual defence.
The failure of the merger was a heavy blow to Lee, who believed that it was crucial for Singapore’s survival. In a televised press conference on television that day, he broke down emotionally as he formally announced the separation and the full independence of Singapore:
"For me, it is a moment of anguish. All my life, my whole adult life, I... I believed in Malaysian merger and unity of the two territories. You know that we, as a people are connected by geography, economics, by ties of kinship... It literally broke everything that we stood for.... Now, I, Lee Kuan Yew, as Prime Minister of Singapore, in this current capacity of mine do hereby proclaim and declare on behalf on the people and the Government of Singapore that as from today, the ninth day of August in the year one thousand nine hundred and sixty-five, Singapore shall be forever a sovereign democratic and independent nation, founded upon the principles of liberty and justice and ever seeking the welfare and happiness of the people in a most and just equal society."
On that same day, 9 August 1965, just as the press conference ended, the Malaysian Parliament passed the required resolution that would sever Singapore's ties to Malaysia as a state, and thus the Republic of Singapore was created. Singapore's lack of natural resources, a water supply that was beholden primarily to Malaysia and a very limited defensive capability were the major challenges that Lee and the Singaporean Government faced.
Prime Minister, post-independence – 1965 to 1990
In his biography, Lee stated that he did not sleep well, and fell sick days after Singapore's independence. Upon learning of Lee's condition from the British High Commissioner to Singapore, John Robb, British Prime Minister Harold Wilson expressed concern, in response to which Lee replied:
"Do not worry about Singapore. My colleagues and I are sane, rational people even in our moments of anguish. We will weigh all possible consequences before we make any move on the political chessboard..."
Lee began to seek international recognition of Singapore's independence. Singapore joined the United Nations (UN) on 21 September 1965, and founded the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on 8 August 1967 with four other South-East Asian countries. Lee made his first official visit to Indonesia on 25 May 1973, just a few years after the Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation under Sukarno's regime. Relations between Singapore and Indonesia substantially improved as subsequent visits were made between Singapore and Indonesia.
Singapore has never had a dominant culture to which immigrants could assimilate even though Malay was the dominant language at that time. Together with efforts from the government and ruling party, Lee tried to create a unique Singaporean identity in the 1970s and 1980s—one which heavily recognised racial consciousness within the umbrella of multiculturalism.
Lee and his government stressed the importance of maintaining religious tolerance and racial harmony, and they were ready to use the law to counter any threat that might incite ethnic and religious violence. For example, Lee warned against "insensitive evangelisation", by which he referred to instances of Christian proselytising directed at Malays. In 1974 the government advised the Bible Society of Singapore to stop publishing religious materials in Malay.
Decisions and policie
Lee had three main concerns — national security, the economy, and social issues — during his post-independence administration.
National security
The vulnerability of Singapore was deeply felt, with threats from multiple sources including the communists and Indonesia with its Confrontation stance. As Singapore gained admission to the United Nations, Lee quickly sought international recognition of Singapore's independence. He declared a policy of neutrality and non-alignment, following Switzerland's model. At the same time, he asked Goh Keng Swee to build up the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) and requested help from other countries, particularly Israel, for advice, training and facilities.
Government policie
Like many countries, Singapore was not immune to political corruption. Lee introduced legislation giving the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) greater power to conduct arrests, search, call up witnesses, and investigate bank accounts and income-tax returns of suspected persons and their families.
Lee believed that ministers should be well paid in order to maintain a clean and honest government. In 1994 he proposed to link the salaries of ministers, judges, and top civil servants to the salaries of top professionals in the private sector, arguing that this would help recruit and retain talent to serve in the public sector.
In the late 1960s, fearing that Singapore's growing population might overburden the developing economy, Lee started a vigorous 'Stop-at-Two' family planning campaign. Couples were urged to undergo sterilisation after their second child. Third or fourth children were given lower priorities in education and such families received fewer economic rebates.
In 1983, Lee sparked the 'Great Marriage Debate' when he encouraged Singapore men to choose highly-educated women as wives. He was concerned that a large number of graduate women were unmarried. Some sections of the population, including graduate women, were upset by his views. Nevertheless, a match-making agency Social Development Unit (SDU) was set up to promote socialising among men and women graduates. Lee also introduced incentives such as tax rebates, schooling, and housing priorities for graduate mothers who had three or four children, in a reversal of the over-successful 'Stop-at-Two' family planning campaign in the 1960s and 1970s. By the late 1990s, the birth rate had fallen so low that Lee's successor Goh Chok Tong extended these incentives to all married women, and gave even more incentives, such as the 'baby bonus' scheme.
Corporal punishment
Main article: Caning in Singapore
One of Lee Kuan Yew's abiding beliefs has been in the efficacy of corporal punishment in the form of caning. In his autobiography The Singapore Story he described his time at Raffles Institution in the 1930s, mentioning that he was caned there for chronic lateness by the then headmaster, D. W. McLeod. He wrote: "I bent over a chair and was given three of the best with my trousers on. I did not think he lightened his strokes. I have never understood why Western educationists are so much against corporal punishment. It did my fellow students and me no harm."
Lee's government inherited judicial corporal punishment from British rule, but greatly expanded its scope. Under the British, it had been used as a penalty for offences involving personal violence, amounting to a handful of caning sentences per year. The PAP government under Lee extended its use to an ever-expanding range of crimes. By 1993 it was mandatory for 42 offences and optional for a further 42. Those routinely ordered by the courts to be caned now include drug addicts and illegal immigrants. From 602 canings in 1987, the figure rose to 3,244 in 1993 and to 6,404 in 2007.
It was in 1994, with the intensely publicised caning, under that vandalism legislation, of the American teenager Michael Fay, that judicial caning came to the notice of the rest of the world.
School corporal punishment (for male students only) was likewise inherited from the British, and this is in widespread use to discipline disobedient schoolboys, still under 1957 legislation. Lee also introduced caning in the Singapore Armed Forces, and Singapore is one of few countries in the world where corporal punishment is an official penalty in military discipline.
Relations with Malaysia
Mahathir bin Mohamad
Lee looked forward to improving relationships with Mahathir bin Mohamad upon the latter's promotion to Deputy Prime Minister. Knowing that Mahathir was in line to become the next Prime Minister of Malaysia, Lee invited Mahathir (through the then President of Singapore Devan Nair) to visit Singapore in 1978. The first and subsequent visits improved both personal and diplomatic relationships between them. Mahathir asked Lee to cut off links with the Chinese leaders of the Democratic Action Party; in exchange, Mahathir undertook not to interfere in the affairs of Malay Singaporeans.
In June 1988, Lee and Mahathir reached an agreement in Kuala Lumpur to build the Linggui dam on the Johor River.
Senior Minister – 1990 to 2004
Lee Kuan Yew (middle) meets with U.S. Secretary of Defense William S. Cohen and Singapore's Ambassador to the U.S. Chan Heng Chee in 2000.
After leading the PAP to victory in seven elections, Lee stepped down on 28 November 1990, handing over the prime ministership to Goh Chok Tong. He was then the world's longest-serving Prime Minister.
This was the first leadership transition since independence.
When Goh Chok Tong became head of government, Lee remained in the cabinet with a non-executive position of Senior Minister and played a role he described as advisory. In public, Lee would refer to Goh as "my Prime Minister", in deference to Goh's authority. In practice, it is said, that Lee's opinions still carry much weight with the public and in the cabinet. He has continued to wield much influence in the country and is ready to use it when necessary; essentially, still maintaining power as an autocratic dictator. As he said in a 1988 National Day rally:
"Even from my sick bed, even if you are going to lower me into the grave and I feel something is going wrong, I will get up."
Lee subsequently stepped down as the Secretary-General of the PAP and was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong in November 1992.
Minister Mentor – 2004 to present
Since the early 2000s, Lee has expressed concern about the declining proficiency of Mandarin among younger Chinese Singaporeans. In one of his parliamentary speeches, he said: "Singaporeans must learn to juggle English and Mandarin". Subsequently, in December 2004, a one-year long campaign called 华语 Cool! (Huayu Cool!) was launched, in an attempt to attract young viewers to learn and speak Mandarin.
In June 2005, Lee published a book, Keeping My Mandarin Alive, documenting his decades of effort to master Mandarin, a language which he said he had to re-learn due to disuse:
"...because I don't use it so much, therefore it gets disused and there's language loss. Then I have to revive it. It's a terrible problem because learning it in adult life, it hasn't got the same roots in your memory."
In an interview with CCTV on 12 June 2005, Lee stressed the need to have a continuous renewal of talent in the country's leadership, saying:
"In a different world we need to find a niche for ourselves, little corners where in spite of our small size we can perform a role which will be useful to the world. To do that, you will need people at the top, decision-makers who have got foresight, good minds, who are open to ideas, who can seize opportunities like we did... My job really was to find my successors. I found them, they are there; their job is to find their successors. So there must be this continuous renewal of talented, dedicated, honest, able people who will do things not for themselves but for their people and for their country. If they can do that, they will carry on for another one generation and so it goes on. The moment that breaks, it's gone."
In November 2010, Lee's private conversations with US Deputy Secretary of State, James Steinberg, on 30 May 2009 were among the US Embassy cables leaked by WikiLeaks. In a US Embassy report classified as 'Secret', Lee gave his assessment of a number of Asian leaders and views on political developments in North Asia, including implications for nuclear proliferation. Singapore's Ministry of Foreign Affairs expressed deep concern about the leaks, especially when read out of context, and the need to protect confidentiality of diplomatic correspondence.
Legacy and memoir
Legacy
During the three decades in which Lee held office, Singapore grew from being a developing country to one of the most developed nations in Asia, despite its small population, limited land space and lack of natural resources. Lee has often stated that Singapore's only natural resources are its people and their strong work ethic. He is widely respected by many Singaporeans, particularly the older generation, who remember his inspiring leadership during independence and the separation from Malaysia.
On the other hand, many Singaporeans have criticized Lee as being authoritarian and intolerant of dissent, citing his numerous mostly successful attempts to sue political opponents and newspapers who express an unfavorable opinion. International media watchdog Reporters Without Borders has asked Lee, and other senior Singaporean officials, to stop taking libel actions against journalists
Memoir
Lee has written a two-volume set of memoirs: The Singapore Story (ISBN 0-13-020803-5), which covers his view of Singapore's history until its separation from Malaysia in 1965, and From Third World to First: The Singapore Story (ISBN 0060197765), which gives his account of Singapore's subsequent transformation into a developed nation.
Award
Lee has received a number of state decorations, including the Order of the Companions of Honour (1970), Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (1972), the Freedom of the City of London (1982), the Order of the Crown of Johore First Class (1984), the Order of Great Leader (1988) and the Order of the Rising Sun (1967).
Lee was awarded the Ig Nobel Prize in 1994.
In 2002, Lee was formally admitted to the Fellowship of Imperial College London in recognition of his promotion of international trade and industry, and development of science and engineering study initiatives with the UK.
In 2006, Lee was presented with the Woodrow Wilson Award for Public Service by the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
In 2007, Lee was conferred an honorary Doctorate in Law at the Australian National University in Canberra, albeit amid protest from students and staff.
In October 2009, Lee was conferred the first Lifetime Achievement award by the U.S.-Asean Business Council at its 25th anniversary gala dinner in Washington, D.C.. In his tribute, former United States Secretary of State and 1973 Nobel Peace Prize winner, Dr Henry Kissinger said:
"He has become a seminal figure for all of us. I've not learned as much from anybody as I have from Mr Lee Kuan Yew. He made himself an indispensable friend of the United States, not primarily by the power he represented but by the quality of his thinking.
Meeting the U.S. President at the White House Oval Office a day later, President Barack Obama introduced him as:
"... one of the legendary figures of Asia in the 20th and 21st centuries. He is somebody who helped to trigger the Asian economic miracle."
On 15 November 2009, Lee was awarded the Russian Order of Friendship by President Dmitry Medvedev on the sidelines of APEC Singapore 2009.
On 29 April 2010, Lee was named to the TIME 100 list as one of the people who most affect our world.
Health
On 13 September 2008, Lee, then 84, underwent successful treatment for abnormal heart rhythm (atrial flutter) at Singapore General Hospital, but he was still able to address a philanthropy forum via video link from hospital. On 29 September 2010, he was hospitalized for a chest infection, cancelling plans to attend the wake of Senior Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Balaji Sadasivan.
Controversie
Devan Nair
Devan Nair, the third President of Singapore and who was living in exile in Canada, remarked in a 1999 interview with the Toronto The Globe and Mail that Lee's technique of suing his opponents into bankruptcy or oblivion was an abrogation of political rights. He also remarked that Lee is "an increasingly self-righteous know-all", surrounded by "department store dummies". In response to these remarks, Lee sued Devan Nair in a Canadian court and Nair countersued. Lee then brought a motion to have Nair's counterclaim thrown out of court. Lee argued that Nair's counterclaim disclosed no reasonable cause of action and constituted an inflammatory attack on the integrity of the government of Singapore. However, the Ontario Superior Court of Justice refused to throw out Nair's counterclaim, holding that Lee had abused the litigating process and therefore Nair has a reasonable cause of action.
Defamation judgment
On 24 September 2008 the High Court of Singapore, in a summary judgment by Justice Woo Bih Li, ruled that the Far Eastern Economic Review (FEER) magazine (Hugo Restall, editor), defamed Lee and his son, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong. The court found the 2006 article "Singapore's 'Martyr': Chee Soon Juan" meant that Lee Kuan Yew "has been running and continues to run Singapore in the same corrupt manner as T. T. Durai operated the National Kidney Foundation (NKF) and he has been using libel actions to suppress those who would question to avoid exposure of his corruption." The court sentenced FEER, owned by Dow Jones & Company (in turn owned by Rupert Murdoch's News Corp), to pay damages to the complainants. FEER appealed but lost the case when the Court of Appeal ruled in October, 2009 that the Far Eastern Economic Review did defame the country's founder Lee Kuan Yew and his son Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong.
Secondary source
Barr, Michael D. 2000. Lee Kuan Yew: The Beliefs Behind the Man. Washington D.C.: Georgetown University Press.
Datta-Ray, Sunanda K. 2009. Looking East to Look West: Lee Kuan Yew's Mission India
Gordon, Uri. 2000. Machiavelli's Tiger: Lee Kwan Yew and Singapore's Authoritarian regime
Josey, Alex. 1980. Lee Kuan Yew — The Crucial Years. Singapore and Kuala Lumpur: Times Books International.
King, Rodney. 2008. The Singapore Miracle, Myth and Reality. 2nd Edition, Insight Press.
Kwang, Han Fook, Warren Fernandez and Sumiko Tan. 1998. Lee Kuan Yew: The Man and His Ideas. Singapore: Singapore Press Holdings.
McCarthy, Terry (23 August 1999). "Lee Kuan Yew". Time Asia (Hong Kong).
Minchin, James. 1986. No Man is an Island. A Study of Singapore’s Lee Kuan Yew. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.