《 fēng diān yǔ wén míng》 yī shū， shí jiān kuà dù yòu liù bǎi nián。 huà tí shì cóng " fēng rén " zài lì shǐ wǔ tái shàng de chū xiàn tán qǐ， jí zhōng shì jì mò suí zhe má fēng bìng de xiāo tuì， fēng rén kāi shǐ qǔ dài má fēng bìng huàn zhě， chéng wéi shè huì pái chì hé gé lí de xīn duì xiàng。 rán hòu shì lì shù zhè zhǒng pái chì / gé lí jī zhì de gè zhǒng biàn xíng： wén yì fù xīng shí qī（ shí sì -- shí liù shì jì） shì yòng " yú rén chuán " fàng zhú tā men（ jiù xiàng shùn tóu xiōng wán yú sì yì）； gǔ diǎn shí qī（ shí qī shì jì） shì bǎ tā men dāng " shè huì lā jī " hé zuì fàn， máng liú yī qǐ guān jìn shōu róng suǒ， jiào " dà jìn bì "； qǐ méng shí qī（ shí bā shì jì） shì tā men dāng " wēn yì " lái gé lí， jiào " dà kǒng jù "； zhōng diǎn shì shí jiǔ shì jì， jí bǎ fēng rén yǔ zuì fàn fēn kāi， dāng bìng rén kàn dài， yǔ " zhèng cháng rén " gé lí， shí xíng " zhì bìng jiù rén " de " rén dào zhù yì "。 zhè yàng cái xíng chéng xiàn dài de jīng shén bìng yuàn。
Foucault begins his history in the Middle Ages, noting the social and physical exclusion of lepers. He argues that with the gradual disappearance of leprosy, madness came to occupy this excluded position. The ship of fools in the 15th century is a literary version of one such exclusionary practice, the practice of sending mad people away in ships. However, during the Renaissance, madness was regarded as an all-abundant phenomenon because humans could not come close to the Reason of God. As Cervantes' Don Quixote, all humans are weak to desires and dissimulation. Therefore, the insane, understood as those who had come too close to God's Reason, were accepted in the middle of society. It is not before the 17th century, in a movement which Foucault famously describes as the Great Confinement, that "unreasonable" members of the population systematically were locked away and institutionalized. In the 18th century, madness came to be seen as the obverse of Reason, that is, as having lost what made them human and become animal-like and therefore treated as such. It is not before 19th century that madness was regarded as a mental illness that should be cured, e.g. Philippe Pinel, Freud. A few professional historians have argued that the large increase in confinement did not happen in 17th but in the 19th century. Critics argue that this undermines the central argument of Foucault, notably the link between the Age of Enlightenment and the suppression of the insane.
However, Foucault scholars have shown that Foucault was not talking about medical institutions designed specifically for the insane but about the creation of houses of confinement for social outsiders, including not only the insane but also vagrants, unemployed, impoverished, and orphaned, and what effect those general houses of confinement had on the insane and perceptions of Madness in western society. Furthermore, Foucault goes to great lengths to demonstrate that while this "confinement" of social outcasts was a generally European phenomenon, it had a unique development in France and distinct developments in the other countries that the confinement took place in, such as Germany and England, disproving complaints that Foucault takes French events to generalize the history of madness in the West. A few of the historians critical of its historiography, such as Roy Porter, also began to concur with these refutations and discarded their own past criticisms to acknowledge the revolutionary nature of Foucault's book.
Foucault begins his history in the Middle Ages, noting the social and physical exclusion of lepers. He argues that with the gradual disappearance of leprosy, madness came to occupy this excluded position. The ship of fools in the 15th century is a literary version of one such exclusionary practice, the practice of sending mad people away in ships. However, during the Renaissance, madness was regarded as an all-abundant phenomenon because humans could not come close to the Reason of God. As Cervantes' Don Quixote, all humans are weak to desires and dissimulation. Therefore, the insane, understood as those who had come too close to God's Reason, were accepted in the middle of society. It is not before the 17th century, in a movement which Foucault famously describes as the Great Confinement, that "unreasonable" members of the population systematically were locked away and institutionalized. In the 18th century, madness came to be seen as the obverse of Reason, that is, as having lost what made them human and become animal-like and therefore treated as such. It is not before 19th century that madness was regarded as a mental illness that should be cured, e.g. Philippe Pinel, Freud. A few professional historians have argued that the large increase in confinement did not happen in 17th but in the 19th century. Critics argue that this undermines the central argument of Foucault, notably the link between the Age of Enlightenment and the suppression of the insane.
However, Foucault scholars have shown that Foucault was not talking about medical institutions designed specifically for the insane but about the creation of houses of confinement for social outsiders, including not only the insane but also vagrants, unemployed, impoverished, and orphaned, and what effect those general houses of confinement had on the insane and perceptions of Madness in western society. Furthermore, Foucault goes to great lengths to demonstrate that while this "confinement" of social outcasts was a generally European phenomenon, it had a unique development in France and distinct developments in the other countries that the confinement took place in, such as Germany and England, disproving complaints that Foucault takes French events to generalize the history of madness in the West. A few of the historians critical of its historiography, such as Roy Porter, also began to concur with these refutations and discarded their own past criticisms to acknowledge the revolutionary nature of Foucault's book.
zhè dà gài shì fú kē xiě guò de zuì jiē jìn " wán měi " de zhù zuò， lěng jùn de miáo xiě yǔ rè liè de " shū qíng hé xīn "， xì zhì de fēn xī yǔ tòu bì de lǐ lùn fǎnxǐng yǐ chōng mǎn zhāng lì de fāng shì yě yú yī lú。 duì bǐ zuì chū tái wān bǎn de fān yì， yì zhě yòu zuò liǎo jīng xīn de xiū gǎi， shǐ xiàn zài zhè gè yì běn wú lùn zhǔn què xìng hái shì liú chàng xìng， dū kān chēng jiā yì。 dāng rán fān yì de zhì liàng shì jiàn lì zài zuò zhě duì fú kē sī xiǎng de quán miàn yán jiū de jī chǔ shàng de， zhè yī diǎn qià qià shì xiàn zài xǔ duō fān yì suǒ quē fá de。 bù guò， jiāng discipline yì wéi " guī xùn "， réng yòu " zào zì " zhī xián， ér xiàn yòu de " jì lǜ " yī cí què sì hū gèng tiē qiē。 bì jìng zài ní cǎi hé wéi bó nà lǐ， zhè gè cí dū yì zuò " jì lǜ "（ suǒ yǐ zhè gè gài niàn yě bìng fēi rú yì zhě suǒ yán， shì fú kē de " dú chuàng "）。
Foucault challenges the commonly accepted idea that the prison became the consistent form of punishment due to humanitarian concerns of reformists, although he does not deny those. He does so by meticulously tracing out the shifts in culture that led to the prison's dominance, focusing on the body and questions of power. Prison is a form used by the "disciplines", a new technological power, which can also be found, according to Foucault, in schools, hospitals, military barracks, etc. The main ideas of Discipline and Punish can be grouped according to its four parts: torture, punishment, discipline and prison.
Torture
Foucault begins the book by contrasting two forms of penalty: the violent and chaotic public torture of Robert-François Damiens who was convicted of attempted regicide in the late 18th century, and the highly regimented daily schedule for inmates from an early 19th century prison. These examples provide a picture of just how profound the change in western penal systems were after less than a century. Foucault wants the reader to consider what led to these changes. How did western culture shift so radically?
To answer this question, he begins by examining public torture itself. He argues that the public spectacle of torture was a theatrical forum that served several intended and unintended purposes for society. The intended purposes were:
* Reflecting the violence of the original crime onto the convict's body for all to see.
* Enacting the revenge upon the convict's body, which the sovereign seeks for having been injured by the crime. Foucault argues that the law was considered an extension of the sovereign's body, and so the revenge must take the form of harming the convict's body.
Some unintended consequences were:
* Providing a forum for the convict's body to become a focus of sympathy and admiration.
* Creating a site of conflict between the masses and the sovereign at the convict's body. Foucault notes that public executions often led to riots in support of the prisoner.
Thus, he argues, the public execution was ultimately an ineffective use of the body, qualified as non-economical. As well, it was applied non-uniformly and haphazardly. Hence, its political cost was too high. It was the antithesis of the more modern concerns of the state: order and generalization.
Punishment
The switch to prison was not immediate. There was a more graded change, though it ran its course rapidly. Prison was preceded by a different form of public spectacle. The theater of public torture gave way to public chain gangs. Punishment became "gentle", though not for humanitarian reasons, Foucault suggests. He argues that reformists were unhappy with the unpredictable, unevenly distributed nature of the violence the sovereign would inflict on the convict. The sovereign's right to punish was so disproportionate that it was ineffective and uncontrolled. Reformists felt the power to punish and judge should become more evenly distributed, the state's power must be a form of public power. This, according to Foucault, was of more concern to reformists than humanitarian arguments.
Out of this movement towards generalized punishment, a thousand "mini-theatres" of punishment would have been created wherein the convicts' bodies would have been put on display in a more ubiquitous, controlled, and effective spectacle. Prisoners would have been forced to do work that reflected their crime, thus repaying society for their infractions. This would have allowed the public to see the convicts' bodies enacting their punishment, and thus to reflect on the crime. But these experiments lasted less than twenty years.
Foucault argues that this theory of "gentle" punishment represented the first step away from the excessive force of the sovereign, and towards more generalized and controlled means of punishment. But he suggests that the shift towards prison that followed was the result of a new "technology" and ontology for the body being developed in the 18th century, the "technology" of discipline, and the ontology of "man as machine."
Discipline
The emergence of prison as the form of punishment for every crime grew out of the development of discipline in the 18th and 19th centuries, according to Foucault. He looks at the development of highly refined forms of discipline, of discipline concerned with the smallest and most precise aspects of a person's body. Discipline, he suggests, developed a new economy and politics for bodies. Modern institutions required that bodies must be individuated according to their tasks, as well as for training, observation, and control. Therefore, he argues, discipline created a whole new form of individuality for bodies, which enabled them to perform their duty within the new forms of economic, political, and military organizations emerging in the modern age and continuing to today.
The individuality that discipline constructs (for the bodies it controls) has four characteristics, namely it makes individuality which is:
* Cellular—determining the spatial distribution of the bodies
* Organic—ensuring that the activities required of the bodies are "natural" for them
* Genetic—controlling the evolution over time of the activities of the bodies
* Combinatory—allowing for the combination of the force of many bodies into a single massive force
Foucault suggests this individuality can be implemented in systems that are officially egalitarian, but use discipline to construct non-egalitarian power relations:
Historically, the process by which the bourgeoisie became in the course of the eighteenth century the politically dominant class was masked by the establishment of an explicit, coded and formally egalitarian juridical framework, made possible by the organization of a parliamentary, representative regime. But the development and generalization of disciplinary mechanisms constituted the other, dark side of these processes. The general juridical form that guaranteed a system of rights that were egalitarian in principle was supported by these tiny, everyday, physical mechanisms, by all those systems of micro-power that are essentially non-egalitarian and asymmetrical that we call the disciplines. (222)
Foucault's argument is that discipline creates "docile bodies", ideal for the new economics, politics and warfare of the modern industrial age—bodies that function in factories, ordered military regiments, and school classrooms. But, to construct docile bodies the disciplinary institutions must be able to a) constantly observe and record the bodies they control, b) ensure the internalization of the disciplinary individuality within the bodies being controlled. That is, discipline must come about without excessive force through careful observation, and molding of the bodies into the correct form through this observation. This requires a particular form of institution, which Foucault argues, was exemplified by Jeremy Bentham's Panopticon, which was never actually built.
The Panopticon was the ultimate realization of a modern disciplinary institution. It allowed for constant observation characterized by an "unequal gaze"; the constant possibility of observation. Perhaps the most important feature of the panopticon was that it was specifically designed so that the prisoner could never be sure whether s/he was being observed. The unequal gaze caused the internalization of disciplinary individuality, and the docile body required of its inmates. This means one is less likely to break rules or laws if they believe they are being watched, even if they are not. Thus, prison, and specifically those that follow the model of the Panopticon, provide the ideal form of modern punishment. Foucault argues that this is why the generalized, "gentle" punishment of public work gangs gave way to the prison. It was the ideal modernization of punishment, so its eventual dominance was natural.
Having laid out the emergence of the prison as the dominant form of punishment, Foucault devotes the rest of the book to examining its precise form and function in our society, to lay bare the reasons for its continued use, and question the assumed results of its use.
Prison
In examining the construction of the prison as the central means of criminal punishment, Foucault builds a case for the idea that prison became part of a larger “carceral system” that has become an all-encompassing sovereign institution in modern society. Prison is one part of a vast network, including schools, military institutions, hospitals, and factories, which build a panoptic society for its members. This system creates “disciplinary careers” (Discipline and Punish, 300) for those locked within its corridors. It is operated under the scientific authority of medicine, psychology, and criminology. Moreover, it operates according to principles that ensure that it “cannot fail to produce delinquents.” (Discipline and Punish, 266). Delinquency, indeed, is produced when social petty crime (such as taking wood in the lord's lands) is no longer tolerated, creating a class of specialized "delinquents" acting as the police's proxy in surveillance of society.
The structures Foucault chooses to use as his starting positions help highlight his conclusions. In particular, his choice as a perfect prison of the penal institution at Mettray helps personify the carceral system. Within it is included the Prison, the School, the Church, and the work-house (industry)—all of which feature heavily in his argument. The prisons at Neufchatel, Mettray, and Mettray Netherlands were perfect examples for Foucault, because they, even in their original state, began to show the traits Foucault was searching for. They showed the body of knowledge being developed about the prisoners, the creation of the 'delinquent' class, and the disciplinary careers emerging.
Foucault challenges the commonly accepted idea that the prison became the consistent form of punishment due to humanitarian concerns of reformists, although he does not deny those. He does so by meticulously tracing out the shifts in culture that led to the prison's dominance, focusing on the body and questions of power. Prison is a form used by the "disciplines", a new technological power, which can also be found, according to Foucault, in schools, hospitals, military barracks, etc. The main ideas of Discipline and Punish can be grouped according to its four parts: torture, punishment, discipline and prison.
Torture
Foucault begins the book by contrasting two forms of penalty: the violent and chaotic public torture of Robert-François Damiens who was convicted of attempted regicide in the late 18th century, and the highly regimented daily schedule for inmates from an early 19th century prison. These examples provide a picture of just how profound the change in western penal systems were after less than a century. Foucault wants the reader to consider what led to these changes. How did western culture shift so radically?
To answer this question, he begins by examining public torture itself. He argues that the public spectacle of torture was a theatrical forum that served several intended and unintended purposes for society. The intended purposes were:
* Reflecting the violence of the original crime onto the convict's body for all to see.
* Enacting the revenge upon the convict's body, which the sovereign seeks for having been injured by the crime. Foucault argues that the law was considered an extension of the sovereign's body, and so the revenge must take the form of harming the convict's body.
Some unintended consequences were:
* Providing a forum for the convict's body to become a focus of sympathy and admiration.
* Creating a site of conflict between the masses and the sovereign at the convict's body. Foucault notes that public executions often led to riots in support of the prisoner.
Thus, he argues, the public execution was ultimately an ineffective use of the body, qualified as non-economical. As well, it was applied non-uniformly and haphazardly. Hence, its political cost was too high. It was the antithesis of the more modern concerns of the state: order and generalization.
Punishment
The switch to prison was not immediate. There was a more graded change, though it ran its course rapidly. Prison was preceded by a different form of public spectacle. The theater of public torture gave way to public chain gangs. Punishment became "gentle", though not for humanitarian reasons, Foucault suggests. He argues that reformists were unhappy with the unpredictable, unevenly distributed nature of the violence the sovereign would inflict on the convict. The sovereign's right to punish was so disproportionate that it was ineffective and uncontrolled. Reformists felt the power to punish and judge should become more evenly distributed, the state's power must be a form of public power. This, according to Foucault, was of more concern to reformists than humanitarian arguments.
Out of this movement towards generalized punishment, a thousand "mini-theatres" of punishment would have been created wherein the convicts' bodies would have been put on display in a more ubiquitous, controlled, and effective spectacle. Prisoners would have been forced to do work that reflected their crime, thus repaying society for their infractions. This would have allowed the public to see the convicts' bodies enacting their punishment, and thus to reflect on the crime. But these experiments lasted less than twenty years.
Foucault argues that this theory of "gentle" punishment represented the first step away from the excessive force of the sovereign, and towards more generalized and controlled means of punishment. But he suggests that the shift towards prison that followed was the result of a new "technology" and ontology for the body being developed in the 18th century, the "technology" of discipline, and the ontology of "man as machine."
Discipline
The emergence of prison as the form of punishment for every crime grew out of the development of discipline in the 18th and 19th centuries, according to Foucault. He looks at the development of highly refined forms of discipline, of discipline concerned with the smallest and most precise aspects of a person's body. Discipline, he suggests, developed a new economy and politics for bodies. Modern institutions required that bodies must be individuated according to their tasks, as well as for training, observation, and control. Therefore, he argues, discipline created a whole new form of individuality for bodies, which enabled them to perform their duty within the new forms of economic, political, and military organizations emerging in the modern age and continuing to today.
The individuality that discipline constructs (for the bodies it controls) has four characteristics, namely it makes individuality which is:
* Cellular—determining the spatial distribution of the bodies
* Organic—ensuring that the activities required of the bodies are "natural" for them
* Genetic—controlling the evolution over time of the activities of the bodies
* Combinatory—allowing for the combination of the force of many bodies into a single massive force
Foucault suggests this individuality can be implemented in systems that are officially egalitarian, but use discipline to construct non-egalitarian power relations:
Historically, the process by which the bourgeoisie became in the course of the eighteenth century the politically dominant class was masked by the establishment of an explicit, coded and formally egalitarian juridical framework, made possible by the organization of a parliamentary, representative regime. But the development and generalization of disciplinary mechanisms constituted the other, dark side of these processes. The general juridical form that guaranteed a system of rights that were egalitarian in principle was supported by these tiny, everyday, physical mechanisms, by all those systems of micro-power that are essentially non-egalitarian and asymmetrical that we call the disciplines. (222)
Foucault's argument is that discipline creates "docile bodies", ideal for the new economics, politics and warfare of the modern industrial age—bodies that function in factories, ordered military regiments, and school classrooms. But, to construct docile bodies the disciplinary institutions must be able to a) constantly observe and record the bodies they control, b) ensure the internalization of the disciplinary individuality within the bodies being controlled. That is, discipline must come about without excessive force through careful observation, and molding of the bodies into the correct form through this observation. This requires a particular form of institution, which Foucault argues, was exemplified by Jeremy Bentham's Panopticon, which was never actually built.
The Panopticon was the ultimate realization of a modern disciplinary institution. It allowed for constant observation characterized by an "unequal gaze"; the constant possibility of observation. Perhaps the most important feature of the panopticon was that it was specifically designed so that the prisoner could never be sure whether s/he was being observed. The unequal gaze caused the internalization of disciplinary individuality, and the docile body required of its inmates. This means one is less likely to break rules or laws if they believe they are being watched, even if they are not. Thus, prison, and specifically those that follow the model of the Panopticon, provide the ideal form of modern punishment. Foucault argues that this is why the generalized, "gentle" punishment of public work gangs gave way to the prison. It was the ideal modernization of punishment, so its eventual dominance was natural.
Having laid out the emergence of the prison as the dominant form of punishment, Foucault devotes the rest of the book to examining its precise form and function in our society, to lay bare the reasons for its continued use, and question the assumed results of its use.
Prison
In examining the construction of the prison as the central means of criminal punishment, Foucault builds a case for the idea that prison became part of a larger “carceral system” that has become an all-encompassing sovereign institution in modern society. Prison is one part of a vast network, including schools, military institutions, hospitals, and factories, which build a panoptic society for its members. This system creates “disciplinary careers” (Discipline and Punish, 300) for those locked within its corridors. It is operated under the scientific authority of medicine, psychology, and criminology. Moreover, it operates according to principles that ensure that it “cannot fail to produce delinquents.” (Discipline and Punish, 266). Delinquency, indeed, is produced when social petty crime (such as taking wood in the lord's lands) is no longer tolerated, creating a class of specialized "delinquents" acting as the police's proxy in surveillance of society.
The structures Foucault chooses to use as his starting positions help highlight his conclusions. In particular, his choice as a perfect prison of the penal institution at Mettray helps personify the carceral system. Within it is included the Prison, the School, the Church, and the work-house (industry)—all of which feature heavily in his argument. The prisons at Neufchatel, Mettray, and Mettray Netherlands were perfect examples for Foucault, because they, even in their original state, began to show the traits Foucault was searching for. They showed the body of knowledge being developed about the prisoners, the creation of the 'delinquent' class, and the disciplinary careers emerging.
fú kē gěi wǎng mín men de yī fēng diàn zǐ yóu jiàn
qīn 'ài de zhōng guó de wǎng yǒu：
dà jiā hǎo！
shǒu xiān wǒ duì yòu zhè yàng yī gè jī huì néng gòu hé dà jiā duì huà biǎo shì wàn fēn róng xìng。 zuì jìn tīng shuō wǒ de zhù zuò zài guì guó fān yì chū bǎn liǎo hěn duō， jìn guǎn wǒ bù néng zài xiǎng shòu yóu cǐ 'ér dài lái de bǎn quán lì rùn， ér qiě yòu hěn dà yī bù fēn hái shǔ yú dào bǎn， dàn duì yú yī gè sǐ qù de rén lái shuō， míng zì néng gòu wéi gèng duō de rén suǒ zhī xiǎo， bì jìng yě shì yī jiàn hǎo shì。
yòu péng yǒu shuō wǒ de zhù zuò wén zì huì sè， yǐng xiǎng liǎo yuè dú， zhè diǎn wǒ yào shuō míng yī xià： yīn wéi wǒ jiǎng de xìng， quán lì， zhèng zhì děng děng huà tí， yī jiǎng dà jiādōu míng bái。 wǒ zhǐ shì dōng lā xī chě， bǎ néng zhǎo dào de， néng xiǎng dào dedōu chě shàng， hào chēng " zhī shí kǎo gǔ xué "， yǐ xiǎn dé lái tóu dà， yě néng duō hùn xiē gǎo fèi， wú xíng zhōng jiù bǎ jiǎn dān de shì qíng gěi gǎo fù zá liǎo， zài cǐ xiān xiàng dà jiā zhì qiàn。
shuō jù liáng xīn huà， wǒ de zhù zuò hái shì tǐng yòu zhuī qiú de。 wǒ de zhuī qiú jiù shì xiǎng wéi tiān xià yī xiàng ràng rén qiáo bù qǐ de ruò zhě men， bǐ rú tóng xìng liàn、 fēng zǐ shénme de tǎo gè gōng dào， ràng lì shǐ shuō huà， jiē yī jiē nà xiē suǒ wèi " zhèng cháng rén " de lǎo dǐ， ràng dà jiā bō kāi tā men de huà pí kàn yī kàn， tóng shí yě bù zài zì bēi， cóng cǐ kuài lè dì shēng huó。
shuō jù shí huà， wǒ shì gè tóng xìng liàn， zhè nǐ men yědōu yòu suǒ 'ěr wén。 rú guǒ ràng wǒ kàn dào yī gè měi méi， wǒ shì yī diǎn 'ér gǎn jué dōuméi yòu。 kě yào shì kàn dào yī gè piào liàng de xiǎo huǒ 'ér， wǒ lì kè jiù huì jī dòng qǐ lái。 xiàng wǒ zhè yàng de rén， zài zhěng gè rén lèi shè huì zhōng suǒ zhàn de bǐ lì hái bù xiǎo。 yòu rén shuō， tóng xìng liàn shì " shè huì chǒu 'è xiàn xiàng "， zhè jiǎn zhí shì bù fù zé rèn de xiā chě。 nǐ men zhī dào má， zhè tóng xìng liàn shì tiān shēng de， bù shì hòu tiān xué chū lái de。 zhè jiù gēn nǐ men shēng xià lái shì nán de， jiù shì nán de； shì nǚ de， nà jiù shì nǚ de yī yàng。 ér qiě， shuí guī dìng liǎo nán de bì xū zhǎo nǚ de， nǚ de bì xū zhǎo nán de？ rú guǒ wǒ men liǎng gè nán rén zhēn xīn xiāng 'ài， nà jiù shì wǒ men liǎ rén de shì 'ér， yòu 'ài zhe shuí liǎo？ tā men xǐ huān nǚ rén wǒ men guǎn guò má？ nà tā men yòu píng shénme lái guǎn wǒ men ní？ tā men xǐ huān nǚ rén， jiù ràng wǒ men yě xǐ huān nǚ rén， zhè yě tài bà dào liǎo bā！ wǒ men míng míng bù xǐ huān nǚ rén， piān ràng wǒ men qù gēn nǚ rén hǎo， zhè bù shì zì jǐ zhǎo zuì shòu má？ shuō wǒ men tóng xìng liàn chuán rǎn 'ài zī bìng， zhè dǎo shì shì shí， wǒ zì jǐ jiù shì yīn wéi dé liǎo 'ài zī bìng sǐ de má。 kě tā men gēn nǚ rén bù shì yě gǎo chū xìng bìng lái liǎo má？ zěn me jiù bù shuō liǎo？ wǒ zài shū zhōng céng jīng chǎn shì guò， bù yǔn xǔ liǎng gè nán rén jié hūn de wén míng， jiù bù suàn shì zhēn zhèng de wén míng。 tīng shuō měi guó gōng pú kè lín dùn shàng rèn hòu fā bù de dì yī xiàng fǎ lìng， bù shì guān yú guó jì jīng jì de， yě bù shì guān yú shì jiè hé píng de， ér shì guān yú měi jūn rén tóng xìng liàn hé fǎ huà de。 zhè gè xiǎo kè hái shì mán lǐ jiě wǒ men zhè xiē sī xiǎng jiā de。
zuì jìn tīng shuō， zhōng guó yě yòu zhe yōu jiǔ de tóng xìng liàn lì shǐ， liú chuán yǐ jiǔ de rú duàn xiù、 fēn táo děng měi lì de tóng xìng liàn chuán shuō， zài guì guó de míng zhù《 hóng lóu mèng》 zhōng， yě yòu miáo xiě jǐ duì shàonián kě gē kě qì de tóng xìng liàn gù shì de。 suǒ yǐ wǒ xiāng xìn， nǐ men dāng zhōng yě yòu xǔ duō xiàng wǒ zhè yàng de rén。 péng yǒu men， rú guǒ nǐ men zài shēng huó zhōng yù dào cháo fěng hé dǎ jī， qièmò huī xīn， bié shī yì， yào zhī dào， zhè bù shì shénme diū liǎn de shì， gǔ wǎng jīn lái yòu duō shǎo yīng xióng háo jié， dōushì hé wǒ men yī yàng de rén。 ér qiě， yào jì dé， yòu gè fú gē， zài tiān shàng wéi nǐ men gǔ jìn， wéi nǐ men jiā yóu。
lìng wài wǒ hái yán jiū fēng zǐ。 rì cháng shēng huó lǐ， lǎo yòu rén shuō bié rén： " hēng， fēng zǐ！ shén jīng bìng！ " zhè yě shì bù jiǎng dào lǐ de fèi huà。 bù hé tā men yì de jiù shì fēng zǐ？ jiù shì shén jīng bìng？ tā men shuō shí me jiù shì shénme？ nǎ 'ér yòu nà shì 'ér 'ā！ bǐ rú tā men shuō ní cǎi xiān shēng shì fēng zǐ， bǎ tā sòng jìn liǎo fēng rén yuàn， kě shì qǐng kàn yī kàn， yòu shuí gǎn shuō bǐ ní cǎi xiān shēng gèng qīng xǐng， duì shì jiè kàn dé gèng tòu？ guì guó yòu běn xiǎo shuō jiào《 kuáng rén rì jì》， lǐ biān jiù shì jiǎng yī gè fēng zǐ de gù shì， kě hòu lái bié réndōu shuō zhè fēng zǐ shì " fǎn fēng jiàn de dǒu shì "。 suǒ yǐ， bié yǐ wéi " zhèng cháng " jiù shì shénme hǎo shì 'ér， wǒ shuō guò liǎo， suǒ wèi " zhèng cháng "， bù guò jiù shì lìng yī zhǒng xíng shì de fēng diān。 shuō bái liǎo， dà huǒ 'ér dōushì fēng zǐ， shuí yě bié shuō shuí。 nǐ men shuō wǒ shì fēng zǐ， cóng lìng yī gè jiǎo dù shuō， nǐ men hái shì fēng zǐ ní！ zán men zhè xiē fēng zǐ men huó zài zhè gè shì jiè shàng， hé píng gòng chù jiù chéng liǎo。 bù guò dāng rán huà bù néng shuō jué duì liǎo。 yòu xiē fēng zǐ yě tǎo yàn， jiè zhe fēng jìn 'ér xiā zhēténg， bǎ tā men guān qǐ lái hái shì duì de。 wǒ de péng yǒu 'ā 'ěr dū sài fēng liǎo zhī hòu， bǎ zì jǐ lǎo pó gěi qiā sǐ liǎo， hòu lái tā bèi guān zài fēng rén yuàn lǐ yī zhí dào sǐ， xiǎng qǐ lái tòng xīn 'ā， yī gè tiān cái jiù zhè yàng ……。 zhì shǎo wǒ xīn lǐ yī kuài shí tóu luò liǎo dì： tā lián lǎo pó dū qiā sǐ liǎo， péng yǒu gèng hé zú dào zāi？ yào shì yī bù liú shén， ràng tā gěi qiā sǐ liǎo， hái bù gěi cháng mìng， nà cái jiào kuī ní！
chú liǎo yǐ shàng shuō de， wǒ hái tí chàng " diān fēng tǐ yàn "， yě yòu chēng zuò " jí duān tǐ yàn " de。 shuō bái liǎo， jiù shì yào " shuǎng dāi liǎo "！ bù guò zhè gè " shuǎng " dǎo bù yī dìng shì zhǐ píng cháng de nà xiē xiǎng shòu。 bǐ rú， nǐ lái gè bèng jí， nà jiù shì cháng dào kǒng jù de shuǎng， nǐ shòu gè nüè dài， nà jiù shì tòng kǔ de shuǎng。 é luó sī yòu gè xiě xiǎo shuō de lǎo gē jiào tuó sī tuǒ yé fū sī jī， tā shuō tā zuì shuǎng de shí hòu jiù shì tā chōu yáng jiǎo fēng de shí hòu。 wǒ zì jǐ ní， yī shēng dōuzài zhuī qiú jí zhì de shuǎng， shénme fāng shì dōuchéng， zhǐ yào gāo xīng jiù xíng， zhǐ yào shuǎng jiù xíng。 huó zhe de shí hòu， wǒ yòu shí yòu jié zhì dì xī diǎn 'ér dú， jìn 'ér shàng lái de shí hòu， jiù yòu diǎn piāo piāo rán， hěn shuǎng de； yòu yī huí wǒ chū mén ràng chē gěi zhuàng liǎo， rén jiā bǎ wǒ sòng jìn yī yuàn， yòu jǐ fēn zhōng wǒ jué dé zì jǐ yào sǐ liǎo， āi yā， nà zhǒng gǎn jué hǎo shuǎng yé！ zhì yú wǒ zhēn sǐ de shí hòu， nà fèn 'ér shuǎng kě jiù gèng béng tí liǎo！ cháng yán dào " yù xiān yù sǐ "， zhēn shì hěn yòu dào lǐ de lie！
dāng rán wǒ bù tí chàng dà jiā quán gēn wǒ xué： zhuī qiú xī dú de shuǎng， shàng liǎo yǐn dé qīng jiā dàng chǎn， nà jiù biàn chéng qióng shuǎng liǎo， zhè zhǒng shuǎng bù cháng yě bà。 tài zhuī qiú xìng 'ài de shuǎng， bù xiǎo xīn dé liǎo xìng bìng 'ài zī shénme de， duì jiàn kāng bù lì； qù chéng xīn 'āi qì chē zhuàng gèng shì chī bǎo liǎo chēng de， zhè zhǒng shuǎng kě yù 'ér bù kě qiú。 bù guò dà jiā huǒ 'ér yào zhuī qiú shuǎng ní， yě shì tǐng róng yì de： zhǐ yào 'ài bù zhe bié rén de shì 'ér， jiǎng jiū diǎn 'ér gè rén wèi shēng， bù sǔn hài bié rén de jiàn kāng hé zì jǐ de jiàn kāng， bù wéi fǎ， bù sǔn hài 'ān dìng tuán jié， nà jiù xíng liǎo。 zěn me jué dé shuǎng jiù zěn me lái， tóng xìng liàn yě hǎo， ràng bié rén shuō shì " fēng zǐ " yě bà， zǒu zì jǐ de lù， ràng bié rén shuō qù。 bì jìng， rén shēng kǔ duǎn， yào jìn suǒ yòu kě néng de shuǎng， cái shì gèng jù yì yì de 'ā！
péng yǒu men， ràng wǒ men gòng miǎn bā！
nǐ men zuì qián chéng de
mǐ xiē 'ěr · fú kē
shùn biàn shuō yī xià， chén bēi zhǎo dào wǒ， yào wǒ gěi zhōng guó wǎng yǒu fā fēng " yī mèi 'ér "。 wǒ bù dǒng zhōng wén， yòu diǎn yóu yù， kě chén bēi pāi zhe xiōngpú shuō tā fù zé fān yì。 wǒ chǒu tā de fǎ yǔ shuǐ píng， yòu diǎn 'ér 'èr bǎ dāo， kě tā zài wǒ zhè sǐ mó yìng pào， wǒ niùbùguò， zhǐ hǎo xiě liǎo shàng miàn de huà。 rú guǒ wǎng yǒu men chǒu zhe bù duì jìn 'ér， nà dōushì chén bēi de sōu zhù yì， kě qiān wàn bié zhǎo wǒ！
mǐ xiē 'ěr · fú kē
yòu jí
qīn 'ài de zhōng guó de wǎng yǒu：
dà jiā hǎo！
shǒu xiān wǒ duì yòu zhè yàng yī gè jī huì néng gòu hé dà jiā duì huà biǎo shì wàn fēn róng xìng。 zuì jìn tīng shuō wǒ de zhù zuò zài guì guó fān yì chū bǎn liǎo hěn duō， jìn guǎn wǒ bù néng zài xiǎng shòu yóu cǐ 'ér dài lái de bǎn quán lì rùn， ér qiě yòu hěn dà yī bù fēn hái shǔ yú dào bǎn， dàn duì yú yī gè sǐ qù de rén lái shuō， míng zì néng gòu wéi gèng duō de rén suǒ zhī xiǎo， bì jìng yě shì yī jiàn hǎo shì。
yòu péng yǒu shuō wǒ de zhù zuò wén zì huì sè， yǐng xiǎng liǎo yuè dú， zhè diǎn wǒ yào shuō míng yī xià： yīn wéi wǒ jiǎng de xìng， quán lì， zhèng zhì děng děng huà tí， yī jiǎng dà jiādōu míng bái。 wǒ zhǐ shì dōng lā xī chě， bǎ néng zhǎo dào de， néng xiǎng dào dedōu chě shàng， hào chēng " zhī shí kǎo gǔ xué "， yǐ xiǎn dé lái tóu dà， yě néng duō hùn xiē gǎo fèi， wú xíng zhōng jiù bǎ jiǎn dān de shì qíng gěi gǎo fù zá liǎo， zài cǐ xiān xiàng dà jiā zhì qiàn。
shuō jù liáng xīn huà， wǒ de zhù zuò hái shì tǐng yòu zhuī qiú de。 wǒ de zhuī qiú jiù shì xiǎng wéi tiān xià yī xiàng ràng rén qiáo bù qǐ de ruò zhě men， bǐ rú tóng xìng liàn、 fēng zǐ shénme de tǎo gè gōng dào， ràng lì shǐ shuō huà， jiē yī jiē nà xiē suǒ wèi " zhèng cháng rén " de lǎo dǐ， ràng dà jiā bō kāi tā men de huà pí kàn yī kàn， tóng shí yě bù zài zì bēi， cóng cǐ kuài lè dì shēng huó。
shuō jù shí huà， wǒ shì gè tóng xìng liàn， zhè nǐ men yědōu yòu suǒ 'ěr wén。 rú guǒ ràng wǒ kàn dào yī gè měi méi， wǒ shì yī diǎn 'ér gǎn jué dōuméi yòu。 kě yào shì kàn dào yī gè piào liàng de xiǎo huǒ 'ér， wǒ lì kè jiù huì jī dòng qǐ lái。 xiàng wǒ zhè yàng de rén， zài zhěng gè rén lèi shè huì zhōng suǒ zhàn de bǐ lì hái bù xiǎo。 yòu rén shuō， tóng xìng liàn shì " shè huì chǒu 'è xiàn xiàng "， zhè jiǎn zhí shì bù fù zé rèn de xiā chě。 nǐ men zhī dào má， zhè tóng xìng liàn shì tiān shēng de， bù shì hòu tiān xué chū lái de。 zhè jiù gēn nǐ men shēng xià lái shì nán de， jiù shì nán de； shì nǚ de， nà jiù shì nǚ de yī yàng。 ér qiě， shuí guī dìng liǎo nán de bì xū zhǎo nǚ de， nǚ de bì xū zhǎo nán de？ rú guǒ wǒ men liǎng gè nán rén zhēn xīn xiāng 'ài， nà jiù shì wǒ men liǎ rén de shì 'ér， yòu 'ài zhe shuí liǎo？ tā men xǐ huān nǚ rén wǒ men guǎn guò má？ nà tā men yòu píng shénme lái guǎn wǒ men ní？ tā men xǐ huān nǚ rén， jiù ràng wǒ men yě xǐ huān nǚ rén， zhè yě tài bà dào liǎo bā！ wǒ men míng míng bù xǐ huān nǚ rén， piān ràng wǒ men qù gēn nǚ rén hǎo， zhè bù shì zì jǐ zhǎo zuì shòu má？ shuō wǒ men tóng xìng liàn chuán rǎn 'ài zī bìng， zhè dǎo shì shì shí， wǒ zì jǐ jiù shì yīn wéi dé liǎo 'ài zī bìng sǐ de má。 kě tā men gēn nǚ rén bù shì yě gǎo chū xìng bìng lái liǎo má？ zěn me jiù bù shuō liǎo？ wǒ zài shū zhōng céng jīng chǎn shì guò， bù yǔn xǔ liǎng gè nán rén jié hūn de wén míng， jiù bù suàn shì zhēn zhèng de wén míng。 tīng shuō měi guó gōng pú kè lín dùn shàng rèn hòu fā bù de dì yī xiàng fǎ lìng， bù shì guān yú guó jì jīng jì de， yě bù shì guān yú shì jiè hé píng de， ér shì guān yú měi jūn rén tóng xìng liàn hé fǎ huà de。 zhè gè xiǎo kè hái shì mán lǐ jiě wǒ men zhè xiē sī xiǎng jiā de。
zuì jìn tīng shuō， zhōng guó yě yòu zhe yōu jiǔ de tóng xìng liàn lì shǐ， liú chuán yǐ jiǔ de rú duàn xiù、 fēn táo děng měi lì de tóng xìng liàn chuán shuō， zài guì guó de míng zhù《 hóng lóu mèng》 zhōng， yě yòu miáo xiě jǐ duì shàonián kě gē kě qì de tóng xìng liàn gù shì de。 suǒ yǐ wǒ xiāng xìn， nǐ men dāng zhōng yě yòu xǔ duō xiàng wǒ zhè yàng de rén。 péng yǒu men， rú guǒ nǐ men zài shēng huó zhōng yù dào cháo fěng hé dǎ jī， qièmò huī xīn， bié shī yì， yào zhī dào， zhè bù shì shénme diū liǎn de shì， gǔ wǎng jīn lái yòu duō shǎo yīng xióng háo jié， dōushì hé wǒ men yī yàng de rén。 ér qiě， yào jì dé， yòu gè fú gē， zài tiān shàng wéi nǐ men gǔ jìn， wéi nǐ men jiā yóu。
lìng wài wǒ hái yán jiū fēng zǐ。 rì cháng shēng huó lǐ， lǎo yòu rén shuō bié rén： " hēng， fēng zǐ！ shén jīng bìng！ " zhè yě shì bù jiǎng dào lǐ de fèi huà。 bù hé tā men yì de jiù shì fēng zǐ？ jiù shì shén jīng bìng？ tā men shuō shí me jiù shì shénme？ nǎ 'ér yòu nà shì 'ér 'ā！ bǐ rú tā men shuō ní cǎi xiān shēng shì fēng zǐ， bǎ tā sòng jìn liǎo fēng rén yuàn， kě shì qǐng kàn yī kàn， yòu shuí gǎn shuō bǐ ní cǎi xiān shēng gèng qīng xǐng， duì shì jiè kàn dé gèng tòu？ guì guó yòu běn xiǎo shuō jiào《 kuáng rén rì jì》， lǐ biān jiù shì jiǎng yī gè fēng zǐ de gù shì， kě hòu lái bié réndōu shuō zhè fēng zǐ shì " fǎn fēng jiàn de dǒu shì "。 suǒ yǐ， bié yǐ wéi " zhèng cháng " jiù shì shénme hǎo shì 'ér， wǒ shuō guò liǎo， suǒ wèi " zhèng cháng "， bù guò jiù shì lìng yī zhǒng xíng shì de fēng diān。 shuō bái liǎo， dà huǒ 'ér dōushì fēng zǐ， shuí yě bié shuō shuí。 nǐ men shuō wǒ shì fēng zǐ， cóng lìng yī gè jiǎo dù shuō， nǐ men hái shì fēng zǐ ní！ zán men zhè xiē fēng zǐ men huó zài zhè gè shì jiè shàng， hé píng gòng chù jiù chéng liǎo。 bù guò dāng rán huà bù néng shuō jué duì liǎo。 yòu xiē fēng zǐ yě tǎo yàn， jiè zhe fēng jìn 'ér xiā zhēténg， bǎ tā men guān qǐ lái hái shì duì de。 wǒ de péng yǒu 'ā 'ěr dū sài fēng liǎo zhī hòu， bǎ zì jǐ lǎo pó gěi qiā sǐ liǎo， hòu lái tā bèi guān zài fēng rén yuàn lǐ yī zhí dào sǐ， xiǎng qǐ lái tòng xīn 'ā， yī gè tiān cái jiù zhè yàng ……。 zhì shǎo wǒ xīn lǐ yī kuài shí tóu luò liǎo dì： tā lián lǎo pó dū qiā sǐ liǎo， péng yǒu gèng hé zú dào zāi？ yào shì yī bù liú shén， ràng tā gěi qiā sǐ liǎo， hái bù gěi cháng mìng， nà cái jiào kuī ní！
chú liǎo yǐ shàng shuō de， wǒ hái tí chàng " diān fēng tǐ yàn "， yě yòu chēng zuò " jí duān tǐ yàn " de。 shuō bái liǎo， jiù shì yào " shuǎng dāi liǎo "！ bù guò zhè gè " shuǎng " dǎo bù yī dìng shì zhǐ píng cháng de nà xiē xiǎng shòu。 bǐ rú， nǐ lái gè bèng jí， nà jiù shì cháng dào kǒng jù de shuǎng， nǐ shòu gè nüè dài， nà jiù shì tòng kǔ de shuǎng。 é luó sī yòu gè xiě xiǎo shuō de lǎo gē jiào tuó sī tuǒ yé fū sī jī， tā shuō tā zuì shuǎng de shí hòu jiù shì tā chōu yáng jiǎo fēng de shí hòu。 wǒ zì jǐ ní， yī shēng dōuzài zhuī qiú jí zhì de shuǎng， shénme fāng shì dōuchéng， zhǐ yào gāo xīng jiù xíng， zhǐ yào shuǎng jiù xíng。 huó zhe de shí hòu， wǒ yòu shí yòu jié zhì dì xī diǎn 'ér dú， jìn 'ér shàng lái de shí hòu， jiù yòu diǎn piāo piāo rán， hěn shuǎng de； yòu yī huí wǒ chū mén ràng chē gěi zhuàng liǎo， rén jiā bǎ wǒ sòng jìn yī yuàn， yòu jǐ fēn zhōng wǒ jué dé zì jǐ yào sǐ liǎo， āi yā， nà zhǒng gǎn jué hǎo shuǎng yé！ zhì yú wǒ zhēn sǐ de shí hòu， nà fèn 'ér shuǎng kě jiù gèng béng tí liǎo！ cháng yán dào " yù xiān yù sǐ "， zhēn shì hěn yòu dào lǐ de lie！
dāng rán wǒ bù tí chàng dà jiā quán gēn wǒ xué： zhuī qiú xī dú de shuǎng， shàng liǎo yǐn dé qīng jiā dàng chǎn， nà jiù biàn chéng qióng shuǎng liǎo， zhè zhǒng shuǎng bù cháng yě bà。 tài zhuī qiú xìng 'ài de shuǎng， bù xiǎo xīn dé liǎo xìng bìng 'ài zī shénme de， duì jiàn kāng bù lì； qù chéng xīn 'āi qì chē zhuàng gèng shì chī bǎo liǎo chēng de， zhè zhǒng shuǎng kě yù 'ér bù kě qiú。 bù guò dà jiā huǒ 'ér yào zhuī qiú shuǎng ní， yě shì tǐng róng yì de： zhǐ yào 'ài bù zhe bié rén de shì 'ér， jiǎng jiū diǎn 'ér gè rén wèi shēng， bù sǔn hài bié rén de jiàn kāng hé zì jǐ de jiàn kāng， bù wéi fǎ， bù sǔn hài 'ān dìng tuán jié， nà jiù xíng liǎo。 zěn me jué dé shuǎng jiù zěn me lái， tóng xìng liàn yě hǎo， ràng bié rén shuō shì " fēng zǐ " yě bà， zǒu zì jǐ de lù， ràng bié rén shuō qù。 bì jìng， rén shēng kǔ duǎn， yào jìn suǒ yòu kě néng de shuǎng， cái shì gèng jù yì yì de 'ā！
péng yǒu men， ràng wǒ men gòng miǎn bā！
nǐ men zuì qián chéng de
mǐ xiē 'ěr · fú kē
shùn biàn shuō yī xià， chén bēi zhǎo dào wǒ， yào wǒ gěi zhōng guó wǎng yǒu fā fēng " yī mèi 'ér "。 wǒ bù dǒng zhōng wén， yòu diǎn yóu yù， kě chén bēi pāi zhe xiōngpú shuō tā fù zé fān yì。 wǒ chǒu tā de fǎ yǔ shuǐ píng， yòu diǎn 'ér 'èr bǎ dāo， kě tā zài wǒ zhè sǐ mó yìng pào， wǒ niùbùguò， zhǐ hǎo xiě liǎo shàng miàn de huà。 rú guǒ wǎng yǒu men chǒu zhe bù duì jìn 'ér， nà dōushì chén bēi de sōu zhù yì， kě qiān wàn bié zhǎo wǒ！
mǐ xiē 'ěr · fú kē
yòu jí